Monday, May 13, 2024

On the Russian Claim of Ukrainian Nazism

 

On the Russian Claim of Ukrainian Nazism

Russian President Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin has repeatedly claimed that the sovereign nation of Ukraine is a fascist state. He accuses the Ukrainians of being Nazis. I have never understood how he could say these things about Ukraine, which is a democratic country with a constitution and the rule of law. Of course the Ukrainians don’t do democracy and the rule of law perfectly. It’s not surprising that they don’t given Ukraine’s tumultuous history and centuries of rule by the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union. Still, Ukrainian President Zelensky is not a Nazi. He is, in fact, at least ethnically Jewish. I have always thought that Putin’s claim that the Ukrainian government was Nazi was total hogwash. However, I just finished reading The Story of Russia by Orlando Figes.[1] Putin’s claims are still hogwash, but I have learned that there are some things going in Ukraine that feed into Putin’s claims.

Those things have to do with someone named Stepan Bandera (1909-1959). I knew a little bit about Bandera before I read Figes’ book. I do, after all, have a PhD in Russian history, but I learned more from the book and from some follow up research I did online.. Bandera was a Ukrainian fascist. He was born in what was at the time part of Poland, but he was a Ukrainian by nationality. He had a complicated, on and off relationship with the Nazis after 1941, but he is primarily known as a Ukrainian fascist who fought with the Germans against the Soviets. His aim was to create an independent, sovereign, fascist Ukrainian. Like all fascists of his time, he was violently antisemitic. He believed that only military force could create the independent Ukrainian state of which he dreamed. He was indeed an anti-Soviet, anti-Russian Ukrainian fascist. His efforts to create a Ukrainian state connected with the Germans failed at least in large part because the Germans were never going to let the Ukrainians, people they believed to be subhuman, create an independent nation.

In recent years there has been something of a Bandera revival in Ukraine. To understand that revival, however, we must understand once crucial fact of Ukrainian history. Until the Soviets invaded Poland from the east as the Nazis invaded from the west in 1941, much of what is now the western part of Ukraine belonged to Poland and a couple of other central European countries. The city of Lviv was in Poland. The Soviets invaded those Ukrainian lands and made them part of the preexisting Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. Because of this history, and because of an older history when western Ukraine was ruled by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, western Ukraine is largely orientated toward the west and considers itself to be a western nation. Most of those Ukrainians by far want no part of being ruled by Russia.

The same is not true in eastern Ukraine. There, and in Crimea, native Russian speakers are a substantial minority. In places they are a majority. At least many of those Russian-speaking Ukrainians are more oriented toward Moscow than western Ukrainians are. Many of those Russian speakers actually consider themselves to be Ukrainians not Russians, but the presence of a significant Russian-speaking population in parts of Ukraine makes it possible for Putin to claim that he invaded Ukraine to protect native Russians from genocide by the Ukrainians.

Among Ukrainians who look toward the west and want nothing to do with Russia, Stepan Bandera has emerged as a Ukrainian national hero. He was a fascist. He was antisemitic. But those aren’t the things that matter to Ukrainians who see him as a hero. To them, he is a Ukrainian national hero because he fought for the creation of an independent Ukrainian state, albeit one under the protection and no doubt control of the Nazis. In recent years Ukrainians in many towns and cities have changed the names of streets to Bandera Street. They have erected monuments to him. For many western Ukrainians, Bandera has become a symbol of their desire for the Ukrainian nation to be free from the Russians.

Ukraine’s relationship to Bandera is complicated. He is much less popular in the eastern part of the country than he is in the western part. At one point the Ukrainian government declared Bandera to be a “Hero of Ukraine,” but that honor was later rescinded. Ukrainians are actually quite divided in their view of Bandera, which doesn’t make the appearance of a Bandera cult insignificant.

As much as Bandera may be a hero to many Ukrainians, most Russians despise him because he fought against them and for the Nazis during World War II. Bandera lived mostly in West Germany after the war. It was there that a KGB agent assassinated him in 1959, apparently with the approval of Nikita Khrushchev, who was Soviet leader at the time and who had spent a lot of time in Ukraine. For the Russians, anything and anyone in any way associated with the Nazis is still anathema.

That a significant number of Ukrainians see the fascist Stepan Bandera as a national hero gives Putin a narrow platform from which to launch his attacks on Ukraine as fascist. Ukraine is not fascist, but to this day essentially all Russian people hate anyone labeled as fascist. That they do is not hard to understand. The suffering of the Russian people during World War II is beyond the ability of most Americans even to imagine. Here’s just one statistic from Figes’ book. Of the eighteen year olds drafted into the Red Army in 1941, by 1945 only 3% of them were still alive. The currently accepted number of Soviet people killed in the war is twenty-eight million.[2] Yes, Soviet military tactics led to more casualties than western military tactics do. That’s because for centuries the only advantage the Russians have had over western militaries has been large numbers of soldiers to throw into a battle. Putin calling Zelensky and his government Nazi or fascist is a surefire way to stir up Russian public opinion against them.

So no, today’s Ukrainians are not fascists. Sure, there may be a small number of them who hold fascist views, but their country is not fascist. The Germans hit Ukraine particularly hard in World War II because it was an important agricultural, mining, and industrial part of the Soviet Union. Surely most Ukrainians have learned that the Nazis considered them to be subhuman and intended to kill all of them, which the Nazis indeed did intend to do. Ukraine has no more of a democratic history than Russia does, or it didn’t until Putin destroyed post-Soviet Russian democracy while Ukraine remained democratic at least in form. But they are making a better effort at being democratic than Putin ever did in Russia.

If anyone in this story is fascist, it’s Putin. Figes makes the point that authoritarian regimes collapsed twice in modern Russian history. The first time was the collapse of Imperial Russia in 1917. The second was the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Both times, authoritarianism reasserted itself in Russia. The Communists did it after 1917. Putin has done it after 1991. Russia may (or may not) be doomed to authoritarian government for a very long time. Most Russians want a strong, authoritarian state. To them, a strong, authoritarian state means order and security while democracy means chaos and risk. Russia may be content to live with Putin’s sort of Orthodox Christian Russian nationalist fascism indefinitely. Most Ukrainians are not. Putin is in many ways a Russian fascist. When he calls Ukraine fascist he’s mostly projecting himself onto them. He can call the Ukrainians fascists all he wants. The truth is, they aren’t.



[1] Figes, Orlando, The Story of Russia ( Metropolitan Books, New York, 2022).

[2] I was born in 1946, not long after the end of World War II. Still, the first time I was in Russia in the summer of 1968, Russians would ask if my parents were alive and were surprised when I said yes.

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