Tuesday, December 16, 2014

Maltby and Me

Maltby and Me
As of December 16, 2014

As I write this post I am the pastoral search committee’s candidate for the call as half time pastor of The First Congregational Church of Maltby. That news has surprised (or shocked?) some of my friends and ministerial colleagues. Several have asked me questions about my possible call to Maltby. They have ranged from “Where’s Maltby” to “Don’t you think they’re too conservative for you?” So I decided to write down what I know about the Maltby church and how my relationship with it has developed. I hope this little essay will answer your questions, at least to the extent that I am able to answer them at this time.
Maltby is an unincorporated area on the southern boundary of Snohomish County, Washington. It is located a few miles north (more or less) of the city of Woodinville just off Washington state Highway 522 on Washington state Highway 524. It is famous not for its church but for the Maltby Café, located just a short distance from the church. The Maltby Café is widely known for having the best breakfasts around and gigantic cinnamon rolls. Maltby has been occupied by non-native people for well over one hundred years. Today it is mostly suburban with farm or ranch property mixed in.
The First Congregational Church of Maltby is a member not of my United Church of Christ but of the National Association of Congregational Christian Churches. In 1957 the national bodies of a denomination called The Congregational Christian Churches merged with another denomination called The Evangelical and Reformed Church to form the UCC. No entity had the authority to merge the Congregational churches into the UCC. Each Congregational church had to make its own decision whether or not to join the new denomination. Eventually most did, but some did not. Maltby didn’t. The Congregational churches that didn’t join the UCC formed the National Association of Congregational Christian Churches. Maltby is one of the 400 or so churches that make up the National Association.
The First Congregational Church of Maltby was founded in 1903 by settlers in what was then a logging community. Like most mainline Protestant churches it has experienced periods of health and strength and periods of decline and struggle. The church has given me a rather long history of the church, but I haven’t read it all yet. I know that Rev. Norm Erlandsen served as pastor from 1990 until after 2005. He was a graduate of Pacific School of Religion, the very liberal UCC seminary in Berkeley, California. More recently the church’s pastoral history has been unsettled and troubled at best. Various people have filled the pulpit. One of them was, by all accounts, very conservative. Recently (I don’t know exactly when) he left and took some of the conservative members of the congregation with him. They had an interim pastor named Diane until sometime in the spring or summer of 2014. She described herself as progressive, and the people tell me they loved her. She resigned for health reasons, and the church has been without a pastor since that time.
I have known that there was a non-UCC church on the main road in Maltby for a long time. I recall that when my parents, brother, and sister-in-law were visiting me when I lived in Lynnwood and was serving the Monroe church I gave them directions to the Monroe church by driving down Hwy 524 from Lynnwood to Hwy 522. In my note to them I pointed out the Maltby church, but at that time I knew only that it was not part of the UCC. Over my time as a pastor of Monroe Congregational UCC I met a few of the members of that congregation. One of them, Joan Pinney, is a fine artist who is widely known in these parts. She painted a picture of the Monroe church’s sanctuary building that hands in that church’s fellowship hall. I met her once in Monroe years ago, but I certainly didn’t know her. Two or three of the men of the Maltby church have come to the Monroe church’s men’s group breakfasts a time or two after Ed Meyer, a former member of the Maltby church, moved his membership to the Monroe church.
I learned a good deal more about the First Congregational Church of Maltby from Ed. He and his wife Mariko live in Maltby and had been members of the Maltby church for some time. Then the time of troubles started after Norm Erlandsen left. Finally the church got too conservative and too conflicted for Ed and Mariko, and they came to Monroe for a better church experience. From Ed I got the notion that the Maltby church had become very conservative and very troubled.
My relationship with the Maltby church started to change in the summer of this year, 2014. Ed was attending one of my book groups for the Monroe church. One day last summer it was really hot, so Jane and I invited the group to meet at the house we had recently purchased in Sultan, where we had installed a ductless heat pump. Air conditioning is indeed a marvelous thing. Kris and Walter, a couple who are members of the Maltby church, came to that meeting with Ed. A short time later Kris called me and asked if I would ever be available for pulpit supply in Maltby. I said Kris, I thought I was the last person in the world the Maltby church would want to hear from. She said that about one quarter of the congregation is very conservative but the rest of us aren’t. We’d love to hear from you. She said that some of the people of the church had even talked about exploring membership in the UCC. So I arranged with my co-pastor (and wife) Jane to preach at the Maltby church on October 12, 2014.
Not long after the inquiry about my doing pulpit supply someone else from the Maltby church (Walter I think, but my memory is terrible these days) called and asked if I knew of any UCC pastor types who might be interested in the call to Maltby. I said I didn’t but that I’d see what I could find out. I called Mike Denton, our UCC Conference Minister. He said that of course the Conference couldn’t help directly with Maltby’s pastoral search since the church isn’t part of the UCC, but he told me to put the inquiry out on the Conference’s email list. I did. At that point it had never occurred to me to apply myself. Apparently they got one response but weren’t interested in pursuing the matter with that person.
Not much later I had a thought. I was looking for something new in my life. I was feeling like a fifth wheel in Monroe, where my wife had been the fulltime pastor for the last year and I was working only one-quarter time. The Monroe church’s finances weren’t in good shape from their trying to pay both Jane and me, and I had thought about resigning. I thought about the inquiry about UCC pastors and said: Why not me? So before I preached at Maltby the first time I asked Gordon Hamlin, a member of the church who had become my primary contact for pulpit supply purposes, to meet with me. He turns out that he is both Moderator of the congregation and chair of the pastoral search committee. He told me later he didn’t understand at first why I had asked for that meeting. After we had talked for a while he did. I asked him how he thought the church would feel about me applying for the call. He said he didn’t know but that he would see what he could find out. I gave him a brief resume I had prepared.
After I preached at Maltby on October 12, Gordon asked me if I were available to lead worship on November 2 and November 9. They especially wanted an ordained person to preside at Communion on that first Sunday in November. I talked to Jane and to the Trustees of the Monroe church about it, and they said yes, do it. So I did. Gordon then asked me if I could to all of the Sundays of Advent and Christmas Eve at the church. I said I’d have to talk to people at Monroe about it and get back to him. I called the Monroe church’s Pastor-Parish Relations Committee together to discuss the matter. At this point I had not tendered my resignation from Monroe and had not in fact decided to do tender it. Jane and the PPRC said yes, so I signed on for Advent and Christmas Eve at the Maltby church. Gordon asked me to complete the Minister Information File on the National Association’s web site, and I did.
One day I met Gordon for lunch in Monroe, and we talked a lot more. He told me that he would be my advocate for the call. On November 25 I spent nearly two hours with the Maltby pastoral search committee. They made me their candidate for the call. I haven’t pulled any punches with them, or at least not many. They know that I am a progressive Christian. Gordon at least knows that I have done same-gender weddings, but then he told me that their interim Diane had too. Gordon is reading my book Liberating Christianity and says very complimentary things about it. I have included my Christian universalism and my belief in God’s totally unconditional grace for all people in my sermons. I preached a sermon on peace in which I have them Jesus’ program of distributive justice and nonviolence as the way to peace. I was apprehensive about how that sermon would be received (mostly because so many people reject Jesus’ teaching of nonviolence), but I have rarely gotten so many positive comments after a sermon as I got after that one.
Meanwhile, back in Monroe, I tendered my resignation effective at the end of the year at the Cabinet (church council) meeting on Nov. 9, having left the Maltby church in time to get back to Monroe for that meeting. That resignation really has nothing to do with Maltby. I would have resigned even if the Maltby church and the possibility of being their pastor had never entered my life. My resignation was prompted not by Maltby but by Monroe’s financial status. The financial numbers for 2014 are bad. The church’s financial reserves are being depleted. When I saw the numbers through the end of October at the Trustees meeting early in November I knew that I had to resign. When Jane came on staff as co-pastor we pledged to each other that we would not just sit by and watch our compensation packages bleed the church dry. That’s exactly what they’re doing. I suppose having Maltby on the horizon made it easier for me to resign, but Maltby isn’t why I did it. My resignation came as a shock to most of the people in Monroe, although I can’t believe that it was a surprise to all of the Trustees, for they had seen me reacting to the bad numbers for a long time. Leaving Monroe is hard. Really hard. I love those people, and I think they love me. Still, no pastorate lasts forever, and my pastorate in Monroe ends on December 31. I will be there on Jan. 4, the first Sunday in January, for the formal termination of covenant and good-bye service. I’m not looking forward to it. It will be a time of celebration, but also a time of tears.
The Maltby pastoral search committee identified me as their candidate to the church’s Administrative Board on Dec. 10. They identified me as their candidate to the congregation at a special congregational meeting after worship on Dec. 14. It seemed the news as well received. The congregation won’t vote on the call for a while yet. Their bylaws specify that a candidate’s credentials be posted in the church for 22 days after the candidate has been identified. That makes the earliest possible date for a vote Jan.5, a Monday. Gordon has told the congregation that they will probably vote on my call either on Jan. 18 or January 25. So it’s not a done deal yet. I expect to be called, but that’s up to the congregation at this point. They will do what they will do.
Being pastor of First Congregational Church of Maltby will be a challenge, assuming for the moment that I will become their pastor. The call will be half time, 20 hours a week. The compensation package is modest, to put a nice word on it. The congregation is tiny, having a membership of around two dozen. There apparently is some significant division among them between very conservative people and more progressive people. The tensions and disputes seem to have quieted down for now, perhaps in large part because that one pastor left and took many of the conservatives with him. Yet of course underground conflict can be more destructive than overt conflict, so we’ll see what happens. I am intrigued at the prospect of getting to know them better and helping them with whatever issues they face. At my meeting with their search committee one of them asked me what problems I see in the church. I said that it was too early for me to know, but I did say that perhaps they have a lack of clarity over just who they are as a church. The woman who asked the question said “You’re spot on there.” Identity was an issue for the Monroe church when I started there in 2002, so I have some experience helping churches figure that one out. I won’t push them to join the UCC, but if they want to explore that possibility I will be happy to work with on the issue and connect them with the appropriate people in the local UCC Conference.

So we’ll see what happens. I pray that God will help both the church and me with our discernment over whether we are indeed called to do ministry together. Stay tuned.

Thursday, October 9, 2014

On the Constitution and The Role of Judges

On the Constitution and The Role of Judges

I’ve heard a common refrain being shouted in the public square these days by people who disapprove of same gender marriage. The federal courts keep ruling that state laws that limit marriage to mixed gender couples are unconstitutional because they violate the equal protection of the law that the United States Constitution affords to all American citizens. The common refrain that is echoing among us is that these rulings are wrong because they are made by unelected and unaccountable judges and they violate the will of the people. The proponents of discrimination in marriage loudly proclaim that judges who are appointed not elected have no business overturning the will of the people. To lay bare the specious nature of these claims we need to resort to what used to be high school civics to show just how untenable those claims are.

The claims that the judicial decisions extending marriage rights to all people are inappropriate because they are made by judges not by legislatures and violate the will of the people radically misunderstand the nature both of the judiciary and of any constitution, whether it be the federal constitution or the constitution of a particular state. We begin our high school civics course with what a constitution is. You’d think that would be pretty obvious, but clearly it isn’t. A constitution is the basic law of any jurisdiction. In our country the US Constitution is the basic law of our federal system of government. In the US the Constitution creates the basic structure of the government. The US Constitution, Article III, provides for the establishment of federal courts and provides that the judges of those courts are nominated by the President, confirmed by the Senate, and serve for life not for a specified period of time. They are never subject to election by the people.

A constitution also often specifies certain fundamental rights of the citizens that the government cannot infringe. In the US Constitution those rights are mostly spelled out in the first ten amendments to the Constitution, amendments known as the Bill of Rights. Among the rights of US citizens that the government may not legally infringe is the right to what the Constitution calls “the equal protection of the law.” There is an enormous body of jurisprudence dealing with the precise meaning of that term and how it is applied in specific circumstances, but the basic sense of the provision is that all US citizens must be equal before the law. The federal government may not treat similarly situated citizens differently without either a reasonable cause or compelling reasons depending on the circumstances of a particular distinction between citizens. The Fourteenth Amendment of the US Constitution applies the federal provision of the equal protection of the law to the state governments as well.

In 1803, in the foundational case of Marbury v. Madison, the US Supreme Court established that the federal courts have the power to enforce the constitutionally protected rights of citizens against the government itself. That is, the federal courts have the authority to compel any governmental body, agency, or agent to respect the constitutionally guaranteed rights of the country’s citizens. Marbury v. Madison established a foundational principle of the American system of government. Some governmental agency, specifically the courts, must have the power to enforce the rights specified in the Constitution if those rights are to have any meaning at all. Our courts’ having that power is the indispensible foundation of our freedom as Americans.

There is an historical example of a system in which that was not the case that is instructive. The Soviet Union had a constitution.[1] It contained some rather lofty language about rights that were guaranteed to the citizens of the country. It guaranteed freedom of speech and of religion, for example. The Soviet courts, however, did not have the power to enforce the rights specified in the constitution in any court case. A citizen being prosecuted or discriminated against for violating the strict limitations of the freedom of religion found in Soviet law and practice, however, could not raise the constitution’s guarantee of freedom of religion as a defense against the charge. The USSR had nothing like Marbury v. Madison. As a result the rights mentioned in the constitution were a dead letter. The government and the Communist Party could tout them around the world for propaganda purposes, but they actually provided no protection for Soviet citizens because the courts could not enforce them. Only a handful of Americans know about the Soviet constitution and the Soviet legal system, but in our current context it is an illustrative example of how not to do constitutional government.

Yet the opponents of same gender marriage continue to complain about unelected judges violating the will of the people. Those complaints raise two important and closely related issues, namely, how the rights specified in the Constitution relate to the will of the people and why federal judges are appointed for life rather than elected for a specified term.

I’ll take up the question of how constitutional guarantees of rights relate to the will of the people first. The function of constitutional guarantees of certain rights is precisely to prevent the government from violating those rights when those rights aren’t popular with a majority of the people.[2] After all, what need do we have of constitutional guarantees of rights that most of the people like? Those rights don’t need legal protection because a democratic government isn’t likely to violate them. The issue of constitutionally guaranteed rights arises precisely in the context of rights that a majority of the people don’t like. The history of the civil rights movement in this country is a prime example of this truth. The Jim Crow laws of the southern states expressed the will of the people, or at least they expressed the will of a substantial majority of the white people of those states. A majority of the people of the Jim Crow states didn’t want Black people to have equal rights to education, the ballot box, employment, or public accommodations.  Nonetheless the laws that established American apartheid were not only sinfully unjust, they were unconstitutional because they violated the equal protection clause of the US Constitution. That a majority of the people in the affected states liked those laws didn’t make them constitutional. It didn’t matter that the people continually elected politicians who enacted those laws and vowed to maintain and defend them. George Wallace may have had great popular support as he stood in the doorway of the administration building of the University of Mississippi and attempted to prohibit a qualified Black student from registering at the school. What he did was still unconstitutional as the act of a government official denying the equal protection of the law to a citizen of his state. A majority of white Alabamans may have cheered in approval as Bull Connor and his thugs with clubs, attack dogs, and fire hoses viciously assaulting groups of citizens demanding nothing more than their rights as citizens. What he did was still unconstitutional as the act of a government official violating the equal rights of those citizens. When the federal courts and the US Justice Department intervened against these discriminatory governmental actions people shouted about the will of the people and states’ rights. They shouted about tradition. They also shouted obscene racist garbage, but then many of the people shouting about the will of the people and so-called traditional marriage today also shout obscene anti-homosexual garbage. You’d think that the parallels between the shouts of the anti-gay bigots today and the shouts of the racist bigots fifty years ago would be enough to discredit those shouts and those who shout them. Still, the shouts ring out. The unelected, unaccountable federal judges are violating the will of the people! What an outrage! How dare they! Those cries didn’t make Jim Crow constitutional, and they don’t make marriage discrimination constitutional either. When judges enforce the Constitution against the popular will the Constitution is functioning precisely as it is supposed to.

Then there’s the matter of federal judges being unelected and, as the complainers insist, unaccountable. The first thing to say is that federal judges are not purely unaccountable. They can be impeached and removed from office in the same way a President can, although that has rarely happened. More importantly, federal judges are supposed to be precisely unaccountable to the will of the popular majority. The US Constitution deliberately and explicitly sets them up that way, and it is a very good thing that it does. The rights of citizens do not depend on the will of the majority, and the tenure of the judges who have the job of protecting those rights mustn’t depend on the will of the majority either. Removing federal judges from direct accountability to the people through election to office makes it possible for them to enforce constitutional rights against popular dissatisfaction with their decisions. That federal judges are appointed for life rather than elected for a specific number of years is a crucial safeguard of all of our rights.

Emotions run very high around the issue of marriage equality, so perhaps examples from other areas of constitutionally guaranteed rights will help to illustrate the matter. Take freedom of speech, for example. I have previously used Fred Phelps and Westboro Baptist Church as an example in this regard in this blog. I find the words and actions of Phelps and his followers to be hateful and deeply disturbing. Phelps was a bigot, and those who follow him are bigots. He spewed vicious hatred against gay and lesbian people and against this country for what he saw as its tolerance of them. I and most Americans at some level wished that we could shut him up. Yet I have argued before, and I argue again now, that Phelps’ vicious speech was protected by the First Amendment to the US Constitution. Most people intensely disliked Phelps and his hatred. Even people who oppose marriage equality I assume could not stomach is bilious filth. Our dislike of Phelps and his words, however, did not change the fact that his speech is protected from censorship by any governmental entity by the US Constitution. His speech needed that protection precisely because so many of us wanted him to shut up. Marriage equality needs judicial protection precisely because so many people don’t want it to happen. In neither case should a judge bend to public opinion. That federal judges are appointed for life and not elected is an essential protection of the judge’s freedom to do what is right even when people don’t like it.

So, have the many federal judges who have overturned states’ restriction of marriage rights to mixed gender couples violated the will of the people? Yes, probably. Does that make their decisions wrong? No, absolutely not. Should the people have the power to vote them out of office because the people don’t like their decisions? No, absolutely not. The framers of the US Constitution were much wiser in this regard than are the outraged citizens and their elected representatives who scream about unaccountable judges violating the popular will. Yes, those judges, while not completely unaccountable, are not subject to popular election. Yes, many of those judges have violated the popular will in many states. For those truths we should be saying “Thank God.” Let us be thankful that we have a political system that lets those judges exercise independent judgment and enforce our rights against those who would take them away.



[1] It actually had several over the years, but the differences between them are not significant for our purposes here.
[2] I do not meant to suggest that marriage equality is unpopular with a majority of Americans. Certainly at least in certain states that is not the case. My home state of Washington approved marriage equality by legislative action followed by a popular vote a couple of years ago. However, the cries I’m discussing here come from states where marriage inequality has been written into the law by popular vote, so the point remains valid.

Sunday, August 17, 2014

A Sermon on American Racism


On Sunday, August 17, 2014, I preached this sermon in response to recent killings of unarmed Black men by police officers.

Really? I Don’t Think So
Rev. Tom Sorenson, Co-Pastor
August 17, 2014

Scripture: Matthew 15:21-28

Let us pray: May the words of my mouth and the meditations of all of our hearts be acceptable in your sight O God, our strength and our redeemer. Amen.

New York City police strangled Eric Garner to death. Los Angeles police shot and killed Ezell Ford as he lay on the ground. Ferguson, Missouri, police shot and killed Michael Brown. All three of these victims were unarmed Black men. They are just recent examples of police violence against Black men that got some publicity. Various Internet sites report that a Black man is killed by police or vigilantes every 28 minutes in this country. Remember Trayvon Martin? He’s just another one we heard about. Police violence against Black men doesn’t always result in death. Recently in Seattle a Westlake Mall security guard maced a Black man while ignoring white law breakers. Remember Rodney King? I used to work at Catholic Community Services in the Central District of Seattle, where the population is mostly Black. One day I was looking out a window from which I could see our parking lot. There was a Seattle police car there, and a Seattle police officer was talking to a Black man he apparently had pulled over. There was no struggle. The Black man wasn’t threatening the police officer. Nonetheless, a second police car showed up. Then a third. A co-worker who also saw what was going on said “It’s the Central District.” These are but a very few examples from America’s shameful and sinful culture of racism.
Most of us are white, and I need to ask those of us who are: Do we get it that Black Americans are afraid of the police and have good reason to be? Pastor Jane tells a story from a seminary class in which the teacher asked how the students would react to the police knocking on their door. The white students said they’ be curious and want to cooperate and help. The Black students said they’d be suspicious. Those Black students weren’t being irrational. They weren’t being paranoid. They were reacting out of their experience and the experience of Black people generally, just as the white students were reacting out of their experience and the experience of white people generally. Of course no generalization is true of every member of any group of people, and certainly not all police officers are a threat to Black people, but it is still true that on the whole Black Americans experience the police differently than white Americans do. They experience them in significant part as a threat. That’s because the police represent society at large, and our society at large is racist. It was in its origins. It still is.
Our society is racist, but just how does racism work? That’s a crucial question for us Americans today. Here’s a good answer to that question from an African-American pastor. The Rev. Tony Lee, identified in an article on The Huffington Post’s religion page as an African-American pastor of an AME church in Maryland, says that the problem of young Black men dying at the hands of the police  is an example “of daily antagonisms felt by black people on the street.” He said “This is part of a wider school-to-prison pipeline and the ghettoization and de-humanization of black bodies.” There’s the crux of the problem in one word—dehumanization. American racism does nothing less than deny the full and equal humanity of Black people. That’s how racism works.
It doesn’t just work that way in our country. We see it at work in our passage from Matthew this morning. In that reading Jesus has an encounter with a woman identified as Canaanite. That means she’s not Jewish. It means she’s from a different people than Jesus is. In this story Jesus calls the Canaanite woman a dog. Hard to believe perhaps, but Jesus calls another human being a dog. The way Matthew tells this story, for Jesus, at first at least, the Canaanite woman who asks him for help isn’t even human. When he calls her a dog he makes her less than human. He gets over it by the end of the story, but in the story he denies the full humanity of the woman with whom he’s speaking.
That’s how racism works. For a racist a member of the other race isn’t fully human. That’s how human cruelty usually works, especially when it’s practiced on a huge scale. For the Nazis the Jews were less than fully human. How else could they slaughter so many millions of them? For American racists Black people aren’t fully human. How else can we lynch so many of them? How else can we deny them equal opportunity in employment, housing, health care, and especially legal justice? If a leader wants people to brutalize another people that leader has to start by dehumanizing the people he wants brutalized. Back in the 1960s we called Vietnamese people “gooks.” I did it myself. We were killing Vietnamese people in huge numbers, so we dehumanized them. Dehumanizing them made it easier for us to kill them. It made it possible for those of us who weren’t personally directly involved in killing them to live with the way our country was killing them. Racism dehumanizes. That’s its primary sin. It makes human beings less than human. It calls people dogs.
Jesus got over it in our little story, thank God, but how he did raises an important issue for us. In the story the Canaanite woman basically outwits Jesus. When he calls her a dog she says yes, but even the dogs get the crumbs that fall from the table. Jesus is impressed, calls her a woman not a dog, and gives her the help she has requested. In the story the dehumanized one brings about a change of consciousness in the one doing the dehumanizing. I’m really glad Jesus gets over his dehumanizing of this woman in our little story, but we need to be really careful about how that happens. You see, the racism of white Americans isn’t a problem for Black Americans to solve. It is a problem for us white Americans to solve, as our colleague the Rev. Dr. Marsha Williams, a Black pastor in our Conference, recently reminded us. Jesus’ failure to recognize the full humanity of the Canaanite woman was really his problem to solve, not hers. So let’s take this story as a warning, not as a model.
Speaking now as a white person and to those of you who are white, if our racism is our problem to solve, how do we do it? I have no magic answers to that question. We’ve all grown up in a radically racist culture. Yes, racism isn’t as bad—or at least isn’t as overt—as it used to be, but our culture is still radically racist. You don’t get over a history of centuries of virulent racism in a few decades, maybe not even in a few centuries. So getting over American racism is not a simple task, and there are no simple means of doing it. This morning I want to suggest just one basic but indispensible step.
You white folk among us, how many of you, how many of us, understand that we have white privilege every moment of our lives? We’ve all got it whether we’re aware of it or not. If you’re not doing anything wrong, like speeding say, do you get nervous every time you see a police officer? No? That’s white privilege. When you apply for a job do you think that you have to be much more qualified than the applicants of another race if you stand a chance of getting hired? No? That’s white privilege. Have you been turned down for rental housing on some obviously made up excuse? No? That’s white privilege. If you’ve ever been involved in any kind of court case civil or criminal, have you thought the court was going to rule against you just because of the color of your skin? No? That’s white privilege. We white people have it, every last one of us.
It is so easy for us white Americans to convince ourselves that racism is a problem of the past not of our present. Heck, we’ve even got a Black President, right? So how can our society be racist? Well, whether we like Obama as a President or not I trust we’re all glad that his race didn’t stop him from getting elected, but one election doesn’t wipe out racism. Lots of people still voted against Obama quite without regard for his politics just because he’s Black. Moreover, it’s so easy for us to point to Obama as proof that we aren’t racist, then go on with our usual racism with nothing really changed. It is white America’s denial of its racism that is the biggest obstacle to overcoming it.

We’re not going to solve American racism here this morning. Far from it. We can however stop lying to ourselves. We live in a racist culture. It’s not our fault that we do, but we do. Overcoming racism has to start with us becoming more aware of that foundational fact of American life. We white people have to start admitting our white privilege. And we have to stop dehumanizing people of color. I’m sure we would all say yes, of course, Black, Red, Yellow, and Brown people are all human beings. We’d all say it, but do we really get what it means? Do we really get what true equality means? When you see a Black person on the street who you don’t know can you really say to that person Namaste, the God in me greets the God in you? Maybe we’d all answer yes; but when I hear that yes part of me wants to say Really? I don’t think so. I think we’ve all got racism in our bones because we all grew up in a racist culture. The only way we’ll ever get over it is to start by admitting it. So let’s admit it, shall we? Maybe if enough of us do fewer unarmed Black men will die at the hands of the police. Amen.

Wednesday, July 30, 2014

Let's Stop Pretending, Shall we?

Let’s Stop Pretending, Shall We?
Further (Angry) Reflections on Capital Punishment

Elsewhere on this blog you will find rather measured and rational reflections on the death penalty from the perspective of Christianity and from the perspective of the law. I urge you to find and read those posts. They have important things to say. What follows here isn’t measured, although I don’t think it’s irrational. It is angry. If Paul could get angry at the Judaizers in his letter to the Galatians (and he most certainly did), I can get mad about capital punishment here. I am mad about capital punishment. I am mad about the way we react to it too, especially when it doesn’t go the way we want it to go. So here goes, an angry rant about capital punishment.

Recently a great hue and cry has gone up because it took a couple of condemned men hours not minutes to die from the lethal cocktail our public servants pumped into their veins. It’s inhumane!, we cry. We don’t want to see suffering even in those whose lives we’re taking from them! We’re civilized people! We just can’t have this suffering in those we are killing! And I just want to shout Stop it! Shut up! You are such hypocrites with your great wailing over the suffering of a man your law and its agents are killing! You think killing can and should be humane. You don’t want to feel bad about killing someone. You want capital punishment to be euthanasia not the brutal act of violence against another human being that it really is, and it really ticks me off.
Stop it! You and your representatives passed a law that says some people deserve death. You and your representatives passed a law that says that we as a society will kill people as punishment for their crimes. Kill people. Not ease them out of this vale of tears into a better place. Not end their suffering when only death will end it. Kill them. Kill them when they are utterly defenseless and totally at our mercy. You and your representatives hired people from police to jailers to attorneys to judges to prison wardens to the executioners themselves to put your law into effect. You hired them to kill people. Stop pretending that you didn’t! Stop pretending that what you’re doing is humane. It isn’t. It’s brutal. It’s savage. It’s barbaric. You can’t make it not be those things by insisting that it be done humanely. Killing a person in the circumstances of capital punishment isn’t humane. It isn’t supposed to be humane. It is supposed to be the most extreme punishment possible. It is supposed to end a human life, to stop a human heart, to still a human brain, all as punishment of one in the grasp of a massive web of institutions that render that one totally helpless and defenseless. None of that is humane. None of that can possibly be humane. So stop it! You said kill. Stop being outraged when the killing isn’t pleasant.
Do you want to treat convicted criminals humanely? Fine. Repeal your laws that create capital punishment. True, life in prison isn’t exactly the most humane kind of life; but at least it is life. At least it leaves open the possibility of redemption. At least it leaves open the possibility of exoneration. Capital punishment ends life, and it cuts off all possibility of redemption (on earth at least) or exoneration. I’m not saying that most of the people we condemn to death haven’t committed horrible, despicable, sinful acts of violence against another person or persons. Most have (although certainly not all, as learn again and again). Most of us would find most of them to be repellent at best. That’s true, but it’s not the point! The point is that capital punishment is murder. State enacted, state enforced, state executed murder. That the one executed was a murderer doesn't justify it. Nothing we do in performing it can make it humane.

So you who support it, stop pretending. Stop pretending that you care about humaneness. Admit that you support something that is and necessarily must be ugly, brutal, and inhumane. If you can’t live with that reality, get your legislators to repeal the capital punishment law. If you can live with that reality, examine your souls. You've got a lot of work to do there.

Why Did He Say That?

Why Did He Say That?
Reflections on Some Wrong Statements by Jesus

Jesus taught primarily through parables. Most of us familiar with the Gospels of the New Testament, or at least with the Synoptic Gospels (Matthew, Mark, and Luke) know that. Some of the most famous and best loved passages from those Gospels are parables—the Good Samaritan, the Prodigal Son, and others. Sometimes Jesus’ parables can drive us a bit nuts. Sometimes we want to shout “Just give it to us straight, will you?” Well, no, for the most part he won’t. Even upon a superficial reading the parables can be strange. What do you mean the workers who only worked an hour or two get paid as much as those who toiled in the field all day? Isn’t the older brother right that the returning prodigal son doesn’t deserve his father’s lavish generosity as much as he does? Isn’t the righteous Pharisee more deserving of God’s grace than the sinful tax collector? Jesus’ parables often just don’t make sense on first reading.
Yet as maddeningly obscure as many of the parables can be on their surface there is something about several of them that, when we understand it, makes them even stranger. In several of the parables Jesus says things that are just wrong. He says things that he and his audience would surely have known right from the start were wrong. Yet he says them anyway. Here are a few examples. In the Parable of the Mustard Seed, Matthew 13:31-32, Jesus says that the mustard seed is the smallest of all seeds but that it grows into the greatest of shrubs and becomes a tree so that birds makes nests in it. Wrong. The mustard seed is not the smallest of all seeds, and it doesn’t become a great shrub much less a tree. Surely Jesus knew that. Surely his rural audience knew it, yet he said it anyway. In the Parable of the Weeds Among the Wheat, Matthew 13:24-30, Jesus has the landowner say no, don’t pull up the weeds before the harvest time because if you did you would pull up the wheat as well. Wrong. Any farmer knows that you have to pull up the weeds in the field so that they don’t choke out the crop and use up all the water. Surely Jesus knew that. Surely his rural audience knew it, yet he said it anyway. In the Parable of the Lost Sheep, Luke 15:3-7, he affirms a shepherd who leaves ninety-nine sheep in the wilderness, not in a secure, safe enclosure, and goes wandering off to save one that has strayed from the flock. Wrong. That’s really bad animal husbandry. The shepherd is likely to lose far more than the one lost sheep when he abandons the others in a place of danger. Surely Jesus knew that. Surely his rural audience knew it as well, yet he said it anyway. Jesus pretty clearly used a teaching technique of saying things in his parables that his audience knew were wrong. Why? Why did he say those obviously wrong things? Wasn’t he afraid that his listeners would simply take him for a fool and pay no attention to him?
Well, no, I don’t think he was afraid of that. We have to assume that Jesus knew what he was doing in these parables. We have to assume, or at least I do assume, that he knew he was saying things that his audience knew were wrong and that he was doing it for a reason. What might that reason be? Understanding that reason, I think, tells us a lot about what Jesus was trying to do in these parables.
The parables that contain these patently false statements would, we can assume, have shocked the people who heard them. The falsehoods in them would bring the listeners up short. When they heard them they’d say Whoa! Wait a minute! That’s wrong! Why did he say that? Those jarringly wrong statements would get the listeners thinking: He must have some reason for saying something he knew was wrong. What can that reason be? To get any understanding of what Jesus was saying his audience would have to start thinking about something differently than they ever had thought about it before. They’d have to turn their conventional thinking upside down and look for a truth in what they knew to be false. Unless they just dismissed Jesus out of hand—which is precisely what I imagine many of them did—they would have to start thinking in new ways. They would have to get behind the factual error in Jesus’ little story to seek a truth to which the wrong fact, so far from simply being wrong, actually pointed. Jesus’ factual inaccuracies did, or at least could, crack open people’s conventional ways of thinking and get them looking for something true hiding behind something false. If those obviously false statements could get people thinking in new ways even a little bit, Jesus had an opening with them. He could use that opening to get them to think in new ways about far more important things than the facts about mustard seeds, weeds, and lost sheep. He could get them thinking about the kingdom of God, which so far from reflecting and affirming what everyone was sure was true turned what everyone knew was true completely upside down and replaced it with what everyone was pretty sure was false.
Turning the world upside down was what Jesus was all about. If you want to know what the kingdom of God that he proclaimed is, take just about any worldly value and look at its opposite. That opposite is probably a value of the kingdom of God. Yes, of course many people in the world carry some kingdom values. Or at least many people in the world say that they do. We all say we value love, and love is the foundational kingdom value. We all say we value peace, and peace is a fundamental kingdom value. Yet we have to ask: Does the world really value love? No, not really. If we really value love, why is there so much hatred in the world? Hatred is more of a worldly value than love is, or at least than the absolutely unconditional love of God is. Does the world really value peace? No, not really. If we really value peace, why is there so much war and other violence in the world? Power expressed through violence is more of a worldly value than is the absolute nonviolence of God.
So what does the world really value? Power. Wealth. Domination of some over others. Exclusion of some from the benefits of society. Condemnation of anyone we can see as “other.” Claims to having a monopoly on God’s truth that turn everyone not of our group into sinners damned for eternity. Success measured in terms of money, prestige, and power. Honor gained through acts of violence that we call acts of valor and heroism.
Kingdom values are the opposite of all of these. The kingdom includes everyone. In the kingdom love is unconditional for everyone. In the kingdom success comes not from dominating but from serving. In the kingdom wealth is measured not by money but by spiritual depth and peace. In the kingdom there is no violence. All issues that must be decided are decided peacefully, and they are decided in the best interest of the ones Jesus called the least of these (Matthew 25:40) not in the interest of the wealthy and powerful. Jesus came to proclaim the kingdom and to call us to live the kingdom life here and now.
I don’t envy him. His message was at least as tough a sell in his day as it is in ours. Selling it did, after all, get him killed. Yet even when selling it won’t get us killed, the kingdom of God is not exactly a hot item being whisked off the shelves faster than we can keep them stocked. The kingdom is a hard sell precisely because it turns the world on its head. You can’t get there thinking the way the world thinks. You can’t get there through conventional wisdom, and conventional wisdom is all the wisdom most people have. As Albert Einstein is supposed to have said, conventional wisdom is merely a collection of prejudices acquired before the age of eighteen. It is the wisdom of the world, not the wisdom of God. To get people to grasp the kingdom of God Jesus had to get them thinking in new ways. He had to break through their conventional wisdom. He had to crack the hard shell around what they were sure was true. So he said things in some of this parables that made a point about the kingdom but that were simply factually false. He gave people what he and they all knew was bad advice. He did it precisely to bring them up short. He did it precisely to shock them out of their conventional ways of thinking. I suppose it worked with some of them. I’m willing to bet that with most of them it didn’t.
Jesus healed and consoled. He loved and forgave. What we so often forget about him is that he also jolted and jarred. He challenged people’s assumptions. He denied their conventional wisdom. He knew he couldn’t break through all the barriers they threw up to his message only by gentle cajoling and teaching. So he said leave the weeds in the field. The tiny mustard seed becomes a tree. Leave the ninety-nine sheep and go looking for the one. He knew that what he was saying made no conventional sense, but that was just the point. He wasn’t trying to make conventional sense. He was trying to make divine sense, and that is a very different thing.
Christianity has been trying for most of the last two thousand years to make Jesus gentle, approachable, nonthreatening, and confirming of our conventional beliefs. Doing that to him certainly makes him an easier sell, but it gives people at best only one side of who he was. It gives them look for your lost coin, but it doesn’t give them look for your lost sheep. It gives them my yoke is easy and my burden is light, but it doesn’t give them take up your cross and follow me. It gives them render unto Caesar, but it doesn’t give them sell all you have, give the proceeds to the poor, then (and only then) follow me. It gives them blessed are the poor in spirit but it doesn’t give them woe to you who are rich now.

Following Jesus and living the life of the kingdom of God requires that we attain totally transformed minds. “Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus.” Philippians 2:5 You don’t get a transformed mind by staying in the same old mental ruts. You don’t get a transformed mind by following only the safe, consoling, forgiving, compassionate Jesus. Yes, he was all of those things too (except maybe for the safe part); but he was so much more than that. A safe, consoling Jesus wouldn’t lace his parables with things everyone knew weren’t true or were bad advice. That is however precisely what Jesus did. Why did he do it? Why did he say those things? Precisely to get us to think!  Precisely to get us to think in new, transformed ways! He did it precisely because he knew we’d trip over those things. So go ahead and trip over them. Then open your mind to Jesus’ new way of thinking. If we can do that, his little rhetorical device will have done its job. Amen.

Thursday, July 24, 2014

Religious Freedom and Non-Discrimination Law


Religious Freedom and Non-Discrimination Law:

A Clash of Two Goods

 

The relationship between religious freedom and civil non-discrimination law has been much in the news lately. The United States Supreme Court recently ruled in the Hobby Lobby case that a closely held corporation may exclude coverage for contraception services and medications from employees’ health insurance benefit plans based upon the corporation’s owners’ religious objections to contraception. Basing their argument on that case, some people are demanding that they be allowed to discriminate against LGBT people in ways that violate the law because of their allegedly religious objections to minority sexual orientations and gender identities. Many of us believe that the supposedly religious values behind these acts of discrimination are utter nonsense, that they represent very bad religion. I believe that myself, but my belief about another’s religious convictions is utterly beside the point here. So is yours. Freedom of religion means nothing if it applies only to religion of which we approve. We are dealing here with two bedrock values of American life—religious freedom and the rights of people to be free from discrimination based upon some characteristic of a person’s humanity. Moral and ethical choices are easy when they are between an evil and a good. They are very much more difficult when they are between two goods. For me both religious freedom and freedom from discrimination are profound goods. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of religion that we Americans enjoy distinguishes us in a most positive way from many other countries in the world and is a great benefit to us. Most of us also believe in the inherent dignity and equality of all people, and that belief is codified to some extent in federal law and often to a greater extent in state and local laws against discrimination in employment, housing, and other areas of life. Some claim that their religion requires them to discriminate against women by excluding contraception from an employer provided health insurance plan. Some claim that their religion requires them to refuse to do business with gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender people and that the constitutional guarantee of religious freedom excuses them from complying with nondiscrimination laws that apply to such people. How are we to evaluate and resolve those demands that are grounded in a foundational good—freedom of religion—yet so seem to violate another good—freedom from discrimination?

To answer that question we have to introduce what I think is an essential distinction. The question we are addressing here arises on two different levels. The first is the level of personal belief and opinion. Each of us is free to make our own decision about which of the two goods at issue here is most important. We probably tend to make our personal decision largely on the basis of emotion. Many of us, myself included, react emotionally against an employer’s refusal to include birth control costs as a covered medical expense in an employee’s health insurance benefit. To many of us that exclusion smacks of discrimination against women, patriarchy, and even misogyny. It certainly reeks of bad religion. We react with equal emotion to discrimination against God’s LGBT people. That discrimination seems to us to be not a true religious belief but only an expression of cultural prejudice and ignorance. I suppose that on the level of our personal decisions this emotion has its place. I feel it, and I don’t mean to disparage it. I think we must understand however that those on the other side of these issues also feel strong emotions around their positions on these matters. On the personal level, go ahead and believe what you believe. Feel what you feel. We all have our right to those beliefs and feelings, and the government may not interfere with them.

The matter is different, however, when we turn to the other side of the necessary distinction and consider the public policy ramifications of the decision that must be made between these two goods. The Supreme Court has said that religious freedom trumps freedom from discrimination when it comes to the issue insurance coverage for contraception. I think they’re wrong about that, but they were considering the matter (in theory at least) from a purely legal perspective. What are the legal considerations here? Does freedom of religion really trump equal treatment of people regardless of gender? Those insurance policies in question do after all include coverage for Viagra. Does freedom of religion trump the right of LGBT people to be free from discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations?

To get at what I think is the correct legal answer to these questions let’s take a look at the history of another form of discrimination with which our country has long wrestled and continues to wrestle, the issue of discrimination on the basis of race. Discrimination against people of African ancestry is as old as the presence of such people in what today is the United States. It began when dominant white people began to import enslaved Africans to provide cheap labor on the white people’s plantations. It continued through the years of slavery, then through the years of de facto or de jure apartheid that followed the abolition of slavery. Many white people advanced religious justification for their discrimination against Black people. They said that Black people bore the curse of Ham, Ham being one of Noah’s sons who the Bible says was cursed because he saw his father Noah naked. (See Genesis 9:20-25. In that story the consequences of the curse fall not on Ham but on his son Canaan, but never mind.) These white racists said that their denigration of Black people was a religious duty. They said that God had made Black people inferior to white people and that they had no choice but to act on what God had ordained. That reading of the story of Noah and Ham is deplorably bad biblical exegesis, but again that’s not the point. American racism was said to be grounded in the Christian faith just as today some say that discrimination against women and against LGBT people is grounded in Christian faith.

In 1964 the federal government passed the Civil Rights Act. Non-discrimination laws had been or later were passed by state legislatures as well. May cities and counties adopted their own ordinances banning racial discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. I don’t think it ever seriously occurred to anyone that the claimed religious foundation of discrimination against Black people allowed business owners to violate the non-discrimination laws that applied to their businesses. Think of an employer accused of racial discrimination coming into court and saying that he has to pay his Black employees less for the same work than he pays his white employees because the Black employees carry the curse of Ham. That employer would have been laughed out of court in a heartbeat, and properly so. Yet the dismissal of the employer’s defense wouldn’t be, in theory at least, based on a rejection of the employer’s religious belief. It would be based on the notion that the employees’ legally guaranteed right to be free from discrimination on the basis of race was the controlling public good in the matter. Yes, I trust that no respectable judge would take the alleged religious basis of the discrimination seriously; but, assuming that there was no evidence to suggest otherwise, any respectable judge would have to take the defendant’s assertion of his religious beliefs at face value despite her personal dismissal of that assertion as blatant nonsense. The judge would have to hold that the public value of nondiscrimination expressed in the applicable civil rights statutes and ordinances outweighed a claim that the discrimination was an exercise of the employer’s freedom of religion.

It seems to me that the same reasoning applies in today’s issues about religious freedom in the provision of health insurance and about discrimination against LGBT people in housing, employment, and other protected areas of life. In the Hobby Lobby case the owners of that closely held corporation said that the Affordable Health Care Act’s mandate of coverage for contraception expenses violated their religious freedom because they don’t believe that contraception is moral. Yet that law in no way compelled those owners to use birth control. You don’t believe in it? Fine. Don’t use it. That’s your right. You are free to ground your beliefs an any religion you want. You are free not to use it. It doesn’t follow however that you are free to exclude coverage for what the medical profession recognizes as a legitimate health care expense from the insurance you provide your employees. Likewise, no civil rights law requires anyone to engage in same gender sexual behavior. You don’t like gay sex? You think it is inherently sinful? Fine. Don’t do it. That is your inalienable right. It does not follow however that you are free to discriminate against people who do engage in same gender sex (or are at least inclined to do so) when those people’s sexual behavior has nothing to do with their employment with you or with the services you provide to the public. Not discriminating against them when you hire employees doesn’t violate your freedom of religion. Providing them with the services you offer to the public generally doesn’t violate your freedom of religion. You are free to believe anything you want. You are not free to impose those beliefs upon others by discriminating against them in matters in which the law has forbidden discrimination. That, it seems to me, is a resolution that respects both the religious freedom of all people and the right of all people to be free from discrimination.

The question of the relationship between belief and behavior has a long history in American law. Thomas Jefferson, for example, made a clear distinction with regard to the law between belief and practice. He said that one’s belief “lies solely between man and his God” and that therefore the law can affect actions but not opinions. The United States Supreme Court quoted Jefferson’s statement in the case of Reynolds v. United States, 98 U.S. 145 (1878). That case dealt with a law against polygamy and a claim by a Mormon defendant that he had a religious duty to practice it. The Supreme Court held that a law prohibiting polygamy did not violate the defendant’s freedom of religion because it dealt with behavior, which the state can regulate, not belief, which the state cannot regulate. Reynolds was free to believe whatever he wanted about marriage. He was not free to engage in behavior that the state had decided for public policy reasons to ban. That distinction between belief and action has been part of the American law on freedom of religion ever since. The recent Supreme Court decision on an employer’s right to exclude certain types of coverage from employee health insurance on the basis of the employer’s religious beliefs certainly seems to contradict that principle. Allowing people to discriminate against LGBT people on the basis of religious belief where that discrimination has been prohibited by law clearly would violate that principle.

Let me make the matter more personal. Much of what the federal government does violates my religious beliefs. I believe in Christian nonviolence and oppose all war. I must nonetheless pay all of my federal taxes and may not refuse to pay any portion of them on the basis of that belief. Every time I make a tax payment to the federal government I feel like I must go to confession, but I would be prosecuted and probably imprisoned if I withheld part of my tax payment because some of what the government does with my money violates my religious beliefs. The government may not regulate my beliefs. Those religious beliefs are protected by the First Amendment to the US Constitution. The government may however regulate my actions. It can require me to pay for things that violate the tenets of my faith.

It’s no different in the health insurance coverage case, the majority of the Supreme Court to the contrary notwithstanding. What an employee does with employer provided health insurance may violate the employer’s religious beliefs. Fine. The government has nothing to say about those beliefs. The government may, however, decide as a matter of public policy that health insurance must cover all medically recognized services. It may decide that what to do or not do with that coverage is up to the individual covered, not to that individual’s employer. In setting that policy the government is not regulating religious belief. It is regulating actions in the public realm not beliefs in the private realm.

Of course, as in all complex legal matters, there is actually no black line between what behavior the state may regulate and what behavior it may not regulate. A person going to a worship service of her choice is of course behavior. Yet assuming that nothing illegal happens at the service to which she goes the government absolutely may not stop her from going. The First Amendment specifically protects the “exercise” of religion not merely belief. A court must decide what actions constitute the constitutionally protected exercise of religion and what actions do not. The law of religious freedom is not unique in this regard. The courts make decisions all the time about what is constitutionally protected and what is not. A classic example is that one is not free to cry fire in a crowded theater when there is no fire. The state may prosecute a person for doing so, and it is not a defense that the accused person has constitutionally protected freedom of speech. This old saw is a classic example of the state balancing two goods, freedom of speech on the one hand and the safety of people gathered together on the other. Courts do such balancing all the time in a wide variety of cases, and they can certainly do it with regard to freedom of religion as well (or as badly) as they do in other cases.

So what finally can we say about the relationship between freedom of religion and the law of non-discrimination? First, we must protect true freedom of religion at all cost. It is a foundational value of our country. Yet the basic principle must be that religious belief does not justify engaging in actions that the state has properly determined violate public policy. To put it another way, my religious belief does not entitle me to act in the public arena in ways that the larger society has determined are sufficiently harmful to be outlawed or regulated. To cite an extreme example from Reynolds v. United States, religious belief does not justify human sacrifice. Human sacrifice is still murder even if the people who perform it believe it to be their religious duty. Believe all you want that your god wants human sacrifice. You just can’t do it. Believe all you want that contraception is sinful, you just can’t impose that belief on your employees through their health insurance. Believe all you want that LGBT people are sinners. You just can’t discriminate against them in ways the law forbids. The issue here is not really one of belief. It is one of actions. The law says certain types of discrimination are illegal, and the strong public policy behind that law outweighs anyone’s right to impose their religious beliefs on others or to make others bear the burden of those religious beliefs. We can both protect religious belief and the freedom of those who do not share those beliefs and whom the law protects from discrimination. five of the justices of the United States Supreme Court apparently can’t grasp that truth. They certainly didn’t in the Hobby Lobby case. Perhaps the rest of us can.

Saturday, May 17, 2014

A Historical Perspective on Russia and Ukraine

Some people at the church I serve recently asked me to give a talk on Russian history and Ukraine in light of the current crisis between Russia and Ukraine. I do, after all, have a PhD in Russian history. So I agreed to do it. I gave that talk on May 17, 2014. By then I had received a couple of requests for a text of my presentation from people who couldn't be there. I didn't give the talk from a prepared text, only from an outline. I have however typed up a document based on that outline that more or less reflects what I said in the talk. Here it is.

Russia and Ukraine
The Historical Background Of a Contemporary Crisis
Rev. Dr. Thomas C. Sorenson
May, 2014

About the author: Rev. Dr. Thomas C. Sorenson is Co-Pastor of Monroe Congregational United Church of Christ in Monroe, Washington, USA. In addition to degrees in ministry and law he holds a PhD in Russian History from the University of Washington. His PhD dissertation is a study of Konstantin Pobedonostsev, Over Procurator of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church from 1880 to 1905 and tutor of the last two tsars.

INTRODUCTION TO A CRISIS

Russia and Ukraine have been much in the news lately. A popular uprising in the Ukrainian capital city of Kiev and elsewhere in Ukraine ousted a pro-Russian popularly elected but corrupt Ukrainian government. Russia (technically The Russian Federation) has interfered with the territorial integrity of the Republic of Ukraine by taking control of the Crimean Peninsula, which had been part of Ukraine since 1954 but part of Russia since 1789. Russian separatists in eastern Ukraine have taken over cities and districts and fought bloody battles with Ukrainian troops and armed civilians. Russia has massed troops on its long border with Ukraine and is very probably meddling in internal Ukrainian affairs. The United States and the European Union have attempted to defend Ukraine, punish Russia, and influence Russia’s actions by imposing certain economic sanctions on leading figures in the Russian government and economy. Tensions between Russia and Ukraine run high, and the future of Russian involvement in Ukraine and of the continuing territorial integrity of Ukraine are very much in doubt.
The current crisis in Ukraine is rooted in a long history. That history begins with the very beginnings of Russian history in the tenth century CE. It involves conquest of the lands now called Ukraine by Mongols, Ottoman Turks, Lithuanians, Poles, and Russians among others. It becomes part of the history of the expansion of the Russian Empire and of the persistent conflict between Russia and the West. It is a long and complex history. I can give only a cursory overview of it here, but perhaps even that cursory overview will help us understand the current crisis more deeply than we can from the reports in the popular media, reports that rarely reflect much awareness of the historical context that shapes the crisis.
My thesis here is that the histories of Russia and Ukraine are so inextricably intertwined that they cannot truly be separated. Historically, Russians have not seen Ukrainian as a language and a culture distinct from the Russian language and culture while, for the last two hundred years or so, Ukrainians have aggressively claimed that they are. Today they are distinct, but traditional understandings change very slowly. The tensions between Russia and Ukraine today reflect the vagueness of Ukrainian identity, Russia’s long denial of a unique identity to the Ukrainians, and the demographic overlapping between Russian and Ukrainian populations. I intend nothing I say here as a justification for the actions of either the Russians or the Ukrainians. Understanding must come before judgment. My project here is to increase your understanding of the crisis in Ukraine. I’ll happily leave the judging up to you.

SOME NECESSARY GEOGRAPHY

To understand the current crisis between Russia and Ukraine we must understand the geography of Ukraine, southern Russia, and western neighbors of Ukraine including Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Hungary. I will not include a map here because I don’t want to violate anyone’s copyright, but I urge you to go on line and look at a map of Ukraine that shows its relationship to Russia and its neighbors to the west. They’re easy to find through any search engine. Ukraine is located to the south of European Russia. It runs along the length of the northern shore of the Black Sea. In the northeast corner of the Black Sea is a large peninsula known as Crimea, or the Crimean Peninsula. Crimea is geographically contiguous with Ukraine, and it has no land border with Russia. Today on its western border Ukraine touches Moldova (like Ukraine a former Soviet Socialist Republic), Romania, Hungary, Slovakia, and Poland. On the north Ukraine borders Belarus and Russia. To the east it borders only Russia.
The Dnieper River flows through Ukraine and played a vital role in the region’s early history. The river flows into Ukraine from the north. It flows more or less northwest to southeast across the country before making a turn to the southwest and emptying into the Black Sea to the east of the Ukrainian city of Odessa. The Black Sea itself opens to the Mediterranean through narrow straits at the Turkish city of Istanbul, formerly Constantinople. The Black Sea never freezes over as do Russia’s outlets to the Baltic Sea (St. Petersburg) and the far northerly Barents Sea (Murmansk). It will help you as we go along to become familiar with this geography.

THE BEGINNINGS: KIEVEN RUS’

Where does Russian history begin? In Russia? In Moscow? In St. Petersburg? In the old Russian cities of Novgorod, Vladimir, or Suzdal? No, Russian history begins in Kiev, the capital city of present day Ukraine. Thus we see the intertwining of Russian and Ukrainian history right from the start. In the tenth century CE an important trade route existed along rivers from Scandinavia on the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and on to Constantinople. The Dnieper River was a major artery of that trade route. An entity called Kievan Rus’ straddled the Dnieper at Kiev, as the city of Kiev does today. That word “Rus’” is the origin of the word Russian, russkii in Russian. Kievan Rus’ was a Slavic culture, closely related to the languages and cultures of what today are Bulgaria and Serbia and a bit less closely related to the cultures and languages of Poland and other Slavic peoples. Under the rule of people who came to call themselves Grand Princes, Kiev came to control the trade along the Dnieper River.
The culture of Kievan Rus’ was Slavic, but it wasn’t Christian, at least not at first. Kievan Rus’ had a rather typical, primitive polytheistic religious system. In the year 988 CE something happened in Kievan Rus’ that all Russians have considered to be a central fact of Russian history from that day to this. In that year Grand Prince Vladimir I of Kiev, known as Vladimir the Great or even Saint Vladimir to the Russians, converted to Greek Orthodox Christianity. An ancient document called the Chronicle of Nestor, also called the Primary Chronicle or the Tale of Bygone Years, tells an intriguing story of why Vladimir chose Greek Orthodox Christianity as his faith. The Chronicle says that he decided that he would adopt one of the world’s great religions, either Islam, Judaism, western Catholic Christianity, or Greek Orthodox Christianity. He sent emissaries to investigate each of these faiths. The emissaries returned a report on each of them. Among the Muslims they found nothing but sadness “and a great stench.” Besides, Islam forbids eating pork and drinking alcohol. That Vladimir couldn’t tolerate for, as he said, drinking is the joy of the Russian. (It still is, by the way, with frequent tragic consequences). The historical fact that the Jews had lost Jerusalem meant that God had abandoned them. (They “lost” it to the Romans in 70 CE, an awfully long time before Vladimir of Kiev, but never mind.) Among the Catholic churches they found no beauty whatsoever. Then they came to Constantinople and the great cathedral Hagia Sophia, The Church of the Holy Wisdom, the greatest church in Christendom at the time. They said that the place was so beautiful that they didn’t know if they were still on earth or had been transported to heaven. (Hagia Sophia, by the way, still exists. After the Turks took Constantinople in 1454 CE they turned it into a mosque. Today it is a museum.) Those reports convinced Vladimir that Orthodox Christianity was the only way to go. He converted and was baptized in the year 988 CE. In those days if the prince adopted a new religion so, eventually at least, did the rest of the population. The conversion of St. Vladimir in 988 CE is the beginning of the Russian Orthodox Church, and every Russian knows it. Of course, that old story is just that, a story. Vladimir’s conversion to Greek Orthodoxy certainly had more to do with commercial ties to Constantinople and cultural ties to the Orthodox Bulgarians that with reports from emissaries about different religions.
Still, the conversion of Vladimir to Orthodoxy in many ways marks the beginning of Russian history; and that seminal event of Russian history didn’t take place in what today is Russia. It took place in what today is Ukraine. Try thinking of the matter this way: How would a lot of Americans feel if Lexington, Concord, Bunker Hill, and Valley Forge somehow ended up in Canada? They would still be the sites of seminal events in the history of the United States. We wouldn’t much like it if they belonged to a foreign country regardless of how much like our country that foreign country is. The parallel with Ukraine and Russia isn’t exact, for Ukrainian and Russian history are much longer than the history of the European cultures in North America. Still, the example may give you some idea of how Russians feel about Ukraine.

THE TARTAR YOKE AND THE RISE OF MOSCOW

Kiev remained the political and cultural center of the culture known as the Kievan Rus’ until the 1240s CE. That’s when the Mongols, often called the Tartars in Russian history (not to be confused with the Crimean Tatars, about whom more below), sacked Kiev. I’ll use the terms Mongols and Tartars interchangeably here. They’re the same people. The Mongols were from, of all places, Mongolia. They were Asiatic marauders who established a rule that extended from Russia in the west to China in the east. They dominated Russia (and much of Ukraine) for more than two hundred years. They were Muslims not Christians. They were eastern not western, Asian not European. Their sacking of Kiev left the Slavic people, the Rus’, with no political or cultural center of any significance. There were Russian cities and an Orthodox culture in places other than Kiev. They included the ancient Russian cities of Vladimir, Suzdal, and Novgorod, all to the north or northeast of the Ukraine and Kiev. They also included the little town of Moscow, which at the beginning of the Mongol period of Russian history amounted to precisely nothing. Moscow had a prince of course, but he didn’t amount to anything. Eventually, however, the Prince of Moscow signed on with the Mongols as their agent for collection of tribute from the Russian lands. Thus began the rise of Moscow.
Eventually Moscow, under rulers now call not just prince but Grand Prince, freed Russia from Mongol domination. That process wasn’t completed until the sixteenth century, but much of it was done in the fifteenth century. In particular a Grand Prince of Moscow named Ivan III, 1440-1506, known to history as Ivan the Great, had significant success in freeing Moscow and the Russian lands from the Tartars. He is known as “the gatherer of the Russian lands.” He tripled the size of the territory Moscow ruled.
Under Ivan III an ideology developed about the divine ordination of Russian rule. It’s known as Moscow, the Third Rome. That theory says that there had been two Romes before Moscow. The first one was ancient Rome itself. The city of Rome and the western part of the Roman Empire had been destroyed by invading Huns and other northern people by the end of the fifth century CE. The second Rome was Constantinople. The Emperor Constantine, the one who first legalized, then converted to Christianity, had made his new city of Constantinople, on the Bosporus, the strait at the opening of the Black Sea toward the Mediterranean, a second capital of the Roman Empire. After Rome fell in the west Constantinople became the capital of what was called the Byzantine Empire, which really was just the eastern Roman Empire living on as a Christian empire. In 1454 the Ottoman Turks, who were Muslims, conquered Constantinople. Thus the second Rome had fallen just as the first one had. The second Rome, Constantinople, had been a Greek Orthodox empire, at least in form. Moscow was an Orthodox power, again at least in form. So Muscovites began to see themselves as the Third Rome. They said there have been three Romes, and there shall never be a fourth. Few of us, I suppose, think of Moscow as any kind of Rome, but a lot of Russians did in the late fifteenth century.
The next significant Grand Prince of Moscow was Ivan IV, 1530-1584, known to the world as Ivan the Terrible. (His nickname in Russian actually means something more like Ivan the Threatening, but never mind.) Ivan IV is famous because at the end of his life he was probably suffering from paranoid schizophrenia. His condition was of course a tragedy for him but perhaps even more of a tragedy for the people upon whom he inflicted his paranoid delusions. He killed his own son in a fit of rage. He build St. Basil’s Cathedral in Red Square, the famous one with the multicolored onion domes. Then he put out the eyes of the church’s architect so that he could never build anything else as beautiful as St. Basil’s. More significantly, Ivan IV put a final end to the Mongol presence in Russia. The Mongols still has a fortress at the city of Kazan on the upper Volga River northeast of Moscow. Ivan’s forces famously tunneled under the city, filled the tunnel with explosives, and blew the place up.
Ivan consolidated the power of the Grand Prince of Moscow. He brought the landowning nobility under his control. Most significantly, he started to use the title Tsar. You will sometimes see it transliterated as Czar, but the correct transliteration into English is Tsar. It is a Russian corruption of the Latin word Caesar. Rome had had a Caesar. Byzantium had had a Caesar. Moscow, the Third Rome, would have a Caesar too, only in the Slavic language of the Russians it came out as Tsar. Ivan IV was the first Tsar. Nicholas II was the last.
Even after Ivan the Terrible the lands Moscow ruled did not include Kiev and the territory we now call Ukraine. Some of that land remained under Tartar domination for a time, but as the Tartars’ power fell much of Ukraine, especially its western portions, came to be ruled by Lithuania (which was a significant regional power at the time) or Poland (another significant power) or a Lithuanian/Polish confederation. Other parts of what today are parts of Russia and Ukraine came to be ruled by the Ottoman Turks, but it is significant for our purposes that much of what today is Ukraine was ruled by western, Catholic (that is, not Orthodox) powers for a very long time. Russia proper, including Moscow, never was, or at least never was for long.
The domination of Russia by the Mongols had a profound effect on Russian history and culture. Russia was cut off from all of the major developments of west European history for a very long time by the Mongol domination. The Scholastic Renaissance of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, which produced such giants of western thought as Anselm of Canterbury and Thomas Aquinas, never reached Moscow, and not just because Moscow was Orthodox rather than Catholic. The Renaissance proper, which began in Italy in the fourteenth century and flourished in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, had no effect on Russia at all because Russia was still cut off from Europe. Russian culture develop independently of those great western developments. It became a more eastern, Asian culture, or perhaps better, an admixture of Asian and European cultures. Russia was, after all, Christian, not Muslim, Hindu, or Buddhist. Still, Ivan IV ruled more as an Asian khan than as a European monarch.
It was different in Ukraine, or at least in western Ukraine. Those territories came to be ruled by European, Roman Catholic powers. Poland in particular was (and is) a major European culture. Poland’s Roman Catholicism tied it to western Europe, to Catholic Germany and to Italy. Developments in European culture flowed easily into Poland and through Poland into Ukraine. Most of Polish Ukraine didn’t become Catholic, but part of it did come into full communion with Rome through a union signed at Brest-Litovsk in 1596 that allowed the Ukrainian churches to keep their Orthodox liturgy while coming under the jurisdiction of the Pope in Rome. Ukraine, or at least part of it, was becoming more western than Russia was. Keep in mind, however, that there still wasn’t much of anything called Ukraine and not much of anyone who would have called their language and culture Ukrainian. They were Rus’, that is, to a considerable extent they were Russian.

THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE

Enter Peter the Great, 1672-1725. Peter I, Tsar of All the Russians, is one of the most fascinating and powerful figures in all of European history, not just Russian history. Under Peter Russia became an empire in fact and not just because its ruler called himself Caesar (Tsar). Peter was obsessed both with expanding Russian power and with western Europe. He traveled in western Europe. He studied shipbuilding in Holland. He made his nobles shave their beards and adopt western dress. He built a summer palace on the Gulf of Finland that he called “Petergof,” a Russian form of the German name Peterhof, Russian having no H sound. Today it is called Petrodvorets, a translation of Peterhof into Russian. It is an eighteenth century European palace that would not look out of place were it located just outside Paris. It really is quite magnificent. He forced the construction of a brand new city in swampland on the River Neva near the Gulf of Finland. He made it look like a western city, and today it still pretty much does. He called it St. Petersburg, essentially naming it after himself (or at least after his patron saint, Saint Peter). It became the capital of his empire. Under the Soviets it was called Leningrad, but today it is again St. Petersburg. It is easily the most western looking of the Russian cities. Peter built his western city where the Neva flows into the Gulf of Finland precisely because from there Russian ships could easily sail to western Europe and beyond.
Peter was fascinated with the west, and he made the people of his court adopt western ways, but he still ruled in quite an eastern way. If a courtier didn’t shave off his beard, Peter would grab the man and shave it off himself. He has his own son killed. He was brusque and gruff in his personal demeanor and hardly the cultured European he wanted people to think he was. He played at being western, but he didn’t even begin to make Russia itself much more western than it already was. Most Russians still lived the way they had for centuries, as peasants tied to the land through the system of serfdom that wasn’t quite slavery but was pretty close to it. And Peter’s power never extended to Ukraine, much of which was under Polish control during Peter’s time.
Then we come to the fourth “Great” Russian ruler in our story after Vladimir, Ivan, and Peter. Catherine the Great ruled Russia from 1762 to 1796. Catherine is another really famous ruler of Russia, being the Tsarina rather than the Tsar because Russian nouns carry gender. She’s a famous Russian ruler, but she wasn’t a Russian. She was a German. She was married off to Tsar Peter III and came to power in a coup that ousted him. Catherine did more to expand the Russian Empire than any other Russian ruler before or after her. Most significantly for our purposes she captured the Crimean Peninsula from the Ottoman Turks in 1789. Crimea remained part of Russia until 1954, and the Russians have now taken it back from Ukraine. She participated with Prussia and Austria-Hungary in the partition of Poland that ended Polish rule in Ukraine. During her reign all of Ukraine gradually came under Russian rule. By the end of the eighteenth century Ukraine was part of Russia. It had been the birthplace of Russian civilization but had developed along quite different paths from Russia since the thirteenth century. Part of it, the western part, had had much closer ties with western Europe than Russia had ever had. Many Ukrainians had come to think of themselves as more western than those benighted Russians, as many Ukrainians no doubt saw them. Ukraine had not voluntarily joined Russia. It had been absorbed by Russia.
The Crimean Peninsula and Ukraine became part of Russia, and to the Russians several events that occurred thereafter in Ukraine are pivotal events in modern Russian history. Many of us have heard of the Crimean War of 1853-1856. Under Tsar Nicholas I, a true reactionary, Russia had been exerting its influence in the Balkans, where the Russians came to consider themselves the protectors of the Orthodox Serbs against both the Ottoman Turks (who were Muslim, not Christian) and the Catholic Austrians. As the Ottoman Empire weakened Russia saw a chance to control the Black Sea access to the Mediterranean in a way it had never been able to do before. Western powers, especially Britain and France, opposed the expansion of Russian influence into that part of Europe. They fought the Crimean War to stop Russian expansion. We know that war best perhaps from Alfred Lord Tennyson’s poem “The Charge of the Light Brigade,” which tells the story of a battle from the Crimean War that didn’t go well for that particular unit of British forces.
Still, Russia lost the Crimean War, and that loss was something of a turning point in Imperial Russian history. In 1855, while the war was still on, Tsar Nicholas I died. He was succeeded by his son, Tsar Alexander II, 1818-1881, reigned 1855-1881. Alexander saw Russia’s weakness exposed by the loss to western powers in the Crimean War, and he vowed to do something about it. He introduced a series of reforms based on western models. Most significantly he emancipated the serfs. It was only a sort of half reform that left the peasants badly in debt to the landowners, but it did make it possible for some of them to leave the land to work in the new factories in the cities. He introduced a jury system into Russia. He introduced a kind of limited self rule for rural districts of the country. He reformed the army. Alexander II is really important in the modern history of Russia, and his work was all motivated by events that had happened not in Russia proper but in Crimea.
From the fifteenth century on the population of the Crimean Peninsula had consisted mostly of people known as the Crimean Tatars. They were, and are, a people with a Turkic language and Muslim faith. They arose as an identifiable ethnic group under Ottoman rule. For centuries they lived largely off the slave trade, capturing Russians and others and selling them to the Turks. They remained the majority population of the Crimean Peninsula until 1944. More about that below.
Ukraine continued to play an important role in Russian history into the twentieth century. There was a revolution against Tsar Nicholas II in 1905, the first Russian revolution, not the one that brought the Communists to power. One iconic event in that revolution was the revolt of the crew of the Russian battleship Potemkin. The great Soviet filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein made a film of the incident that most every Russian knows. It is for Russians something like the sinking of the US battleship Maine in Havana harbor in 1898 was for Americans, something everyone knows about. Just as the Maine wasn’t sunk in the US, the crew of the Potemkin didn’t revolt in what today is Russia. They did it in Odessa, the major Ukrainian port on the Black Sea.
The attitude of the Russian government toward Ukraine throughout the imperial period is telling. The Russian imperial authorities did not consider Ukrainian to be a separate language. They called it a dialect of Russian and didn’t allow it to be taught in the schools. They didn’t consider Ukraine to have a distinct culture. To them, Ukrainians were just Russians who spoke a bit funny. That attitude produced significant tensions in Ukraine. As happened with peoples in much of central and eastern Europe at the same time, beginning in the early nineteenth century Ukrainians began to see themselves as a distinct people with their own history and their own culture that they wanted to develop and practice. The Russians wouldn’t let them. Many Ukrainians were not exactly pleased.


THE SOVIET PERIOD

On Nov. 7, 1917 (October 25 by the old calendar the Russians still used at the time), Vladimir Lenin led a gang of his cohorts known as the Bolsheviks into the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg (called Petrograd at the time because St. Petersburg was way too German to use when Russia was at war with Germany). They captured the members of the Provisional Government, an ineffective bunch of western style intellectuals and politicians who had taken over Russia when Tsar Nicholas II abdicated in March (February under the old calendar) because of the disaster World War I had been for Russia. The Soviets called the events of Nov. 7, 1917, the Great October Revolution (October of course because it happened in October not November under the old calendar). I still have in my home office a label pin I got in Russia with Lenin’s picture on it next to the word October. The revolution was at the beginning more of a coup d’état than a true revolution, but never mind. The Soviet period of Russian (and Ukrainian) history had begun.
Lenin quickly made peace with Germany, ending Russia’s involvement in the World War I through the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk. He knew he could do nothing with the country while the war was still raging. Besides, to him World War I was nothing but an imperialist struggle between capitalist powers that he wanted nothing to do with. His coup was followed by a long and bloody civil war between the Communists, as the Bolsheviks came to call themselves, and various groups opposed to Communist rule, generally called the Whites to distinguish them from Lenin’s Reds. Eventually the Communists prevailed and established rule by what came to be called the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Its rule extended throughout most of what had been the Russian Empire, including most of what today is Ukraine. In 1922 Lenin created the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the USSR to most of us. “Soviet,” by the way, is just an ordinary Russian word that means “council,” the rebels of 1905 having created soviets, councils, as governing authorities in areas they briefly freed from Imperial rule and making the soviet the ideal governmental form for the Communists. Originally there were four constituent Soviet Republics. There eventually came to be fifteen of them, but how that happened doesn’t matter for our purposes because Ukraine was one of the original four and remained a Soviet Socialist Republic until the dissolution of the USSR in 1991. Originally the Crimean Peninsula was part of the Russian republic, not the Ukrainian one.
In the late 1920s and the 1930s the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, dictated over by Josef Stalin, began a policy of the forced collectivization of agriculture. That means that the Communist regime was going to reorganize essentially all farming in the country into collectives in which the individual people owned no land of their own and were obligated to grow and harvest crops and quantities dictated to them by the central planners in Moscow. The peasantry throughout the Soviet Union resisted. They even killed their own farm livestock to keep it from being turned over to a collective farm. Stalin decided to force the peasantry to comply by starving millions of them to death through an artificially engineered famine. He did it throughout the country, but he did it most thoroughly and most viciously in Ukraine, where the Soviet Union’s richest farmland was located. One head of the Ukrainian Communist Party in the 1930s was Nikita Khrushchev. More about him anon.
In 1941 Nazi Germany invaded the Soviet Union. The German armies rather quickly overran Ukraine and Crimea. There was so much anti-Soviet and anti-Russian sentiment among the Ukrainian population that many scholars believe that Hitler could have made Ukraine an ally and gotten a great many Ukrainians to join him in fighting the Soviets. He didn’t. His demented racial ideology told him that all Slavic people, including Ukrainians, were subhuman. He didn’t want them as allies, he wanted to exterminate them and settle Germans in their land. Instead of enlisting them as allies the Nazis alienated the Ukrainians but good. Some of them fought with the Soviet Red Army against the Germans. Some joined guerilla bands that fought both the Germans and the Soviets. Few supported the Germans.
With one exception, although the exception was in Russia not Ukraine at the time. That exception was the Crimean Tatars. Many of them corroborated with the Germans, who occupied Crimea for a time. In 1944 the Red Army retook Crimea. Stalin retaliated against all of the Crimean Tatars, not just the ones who had supported the Germans. He set out to deport every last one of them out of Crimea. Many fled the country, with large numbers of them ending up in Turkey. Stalin, however, succeeded in deporting most of them to other parts of the Soviet Union, especially Uzbekistan in Central Asia. Crimea was resettled with Russians, and its population has remained predominately Russian to this day.
The Soviet Union of course defeated the Germans in World War II. The Russians don’t call that war World War II. They call it the Great War of the Fatherland (or depending on how you translate the Russian words, The Great Patriotic War). The suffering of the Soviet people was unimaginable. They had suffered under Stalin for nearly twenty years when the war began, then many of them suffered under the Nazis. Soviet casualties in the war are usually said to number around twenty million. Compare that to the less than 500,000 that the US lost. I don’t mean to minimize the losses to the families of those Americans who were killed, but in the Soviet Union every family had people who were killed. When I was there in 1968 people were surprised when I said that both of my parents were still alive. For Soviet people just a little older than I am having lost at least one parent in the war was so common that it was almost assumed. The Soviets of course used the war as an excuse for the economic harshness of Soviet life for a long time after the war, but there was some truth in that excuse. The country suffered horribly. Some of that suffering was of their own making, but the suffering cannot be denied or minimized. And Ukraine suffered as much or more than any other part of the country.
World War II ended in 1945 with an allied victory brought about more by the Soviet Union than by any other country, ours included. Stalin resumed his reign of terror, albeit with perhaps a bit less vehemence than he had had before the war. As part of the events that ended the war Stalin annexed some territory that had belonged to Czechoslovakia or Hungary to the Ukrainian SSR.
Stalin died in 1953. Shortly thereafter Nikita Khrushchev became the leader of both the Communist Party and the country. Recall that he had been the head of the Ukrainian Communist Party back in the 1930s. Despite the immense brutality of Communist policies in Ukraine at that time, Khrushchev seems to have had something of a soft spot in his heart for Ukraine. That at least is one explanation given for the fact that in 1954 he engineered the transfer of Crimea from the Russian Republic to the Ukrainian Republic. At that point Crimea had been part of Russia since Catherine the Great conquered it from the Turks in 1789, 165 years earlier. After Stalin’s deportation of the Crimean Tatars its population was mostly Russian, not Ukrainian. It is of course true that Crimea has a land border with Ukraine but none with Russia, and under the Soviet system it didn’t make much of a difference to the people whether they were in Russia or in Ukraine. Still, as we have seen, Crimea had seen crucial events in the history of Russia and was clearly Russian territory. Nonetheless, Khrushchev got the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, a top legislative body in the USSR, to transfer Crimea to Ukraine in 1954. The Presidium of the Supreme Soviet didn’t actually have the legal authority to do it; but if the Party wanted something, legal niceties didn’t matter much. The Supreme Soviet changed the law a few days later to give itself the legal authority to do what it had already done. All that really mattered was that Khrushchev ran the Party, and Khrushchev wanted it done. Many have considered the transfer to have been illegal ever since. Legal or illegal, Crimea became part of the Ukrainian Republic in 1954 and remained part of it until a few weeks ago. But I’m getting ahead of myself.

THE POST-SOVIET ERA

The Soviet Union dissolved by order of the Supreme Soviet on December 26, 1991. The three Baltic Republics of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania had already gained their independence. Ukraine had also taken steps toward independence by that time. The order dissolving the USSR recognized the independence of the remaining twelve Soviet Socialist Republics. Among those Republics were the Russian Federated Soviet Socialist Republic and the Ukrainian Republic. The new nations that were formed had the same borders as they had had as Soviet Republics. That meant that Crimea became part of the newly independent Republic of Ukraine. The rest of the world quickly recognized the newly independent republics as independent nations, which meant that both Russia and the rest of the world had recognized Crimea as part of Ukraine. But of course Crimea had been part of Ukraine for only thirty-seven years at that point, the mere blink of an eye in historical perspective. And Crimea’s population was overwhelmingly Russian, not Ukrainian. Crimea was given some sort of autonomous status within Ukraine, but it was still part of Ukraine.
The Republic of Ukraine has a more or less democratic constitution. In 2010 Viktor Yanukovych was elected President with 48% of the vote. Of course, the old divisions and tensions within Ukraine remained. The population was only something like 77% Ukrainian, with most of the rest of the population, including virtually all of the population of Crimea, being Russian. The Russians were, and are, concentrated mostly in the eastern parts of Ukraine that border on Russia. They looked to Russia for the aid Ukraine badly needed to deal with its severe economic difficulties. Most people in the rest of Ukraine looked to the European Union for that help.
Yanukovych leaned toward Russia. He scuttled an embryonic agreement that the previous Ukrainian administration had worked out with the European Union and sought closer economic ties with Russia. The people of Kiev and the western parts of the country rebelled. Their massive demonstrations brought down the Yanukovych government, and Yanukovych himself—a major league crook as it turned out—fled to Russia. A more western-leaning government took his place. That government, which currently runs Ukraine (more or less) was never popularly elected. Russia has something of a point when they say that that government is illegal. Yanukovych may have been a crook, and many people may have disliked his policies, but he had at least been popularly elected. The current government of Ukraine never was.
Whereupon Russia, under its President Vladimir Putin, took Crimea from Ukraine. Putin just sent in the troops and took it. It was a bit more complicated than that of course, but that’s essentially what happened. The Russians cooked up a referendum that had the people of Crimea vote for union with Russia, but of course most of the people of Crimea are Russians not Ukrainians. The world, including the US with President Obama leading the way, reacted with outrage. Russia’s action in taking Crimea from Ukraine was indeed clearly a violation of international law. Russia violated the territorial integrity of Ukraine as both Russia and the rest of the world had recognized it when the USSR dissolved. Still, it seems to me that the matter is hardly so simple. The people of Crimea are Russians not Ukrainians (for the most part at least). The port city of Sevastopol is the home port of the Russian navy’s Black Sea fleet, and it has been that for a very long time. To the Russians Crimea is Russian. That doesn’t give them the legal right to take it under international law, but it surely explains why they did what they did. After all, to them the transfer of Crimea from Russia to Ukraine in 1954 was illegal from the beginning. Beyond that, who was going to stop them? Surely not Ukraine. The Russian military could overrun Ukraine without even trying very hard. Surely not the US. We have no vested interest in the matter other than respect for international law, which is after all an abstraction that we ourselves violate whenever we feel like it. (Exhibit A: George W. Bush’s invasion of Iraq.) Moreover, Russia has enough nuclear weapons to destroy all life on earth several times over. There’s no way we’re going to war with Russia over Crimea (or I trust over anything else). It seems to me that the Russian annexation of Ukraine is a done deal. It is justified by numerous historical and demographic circumstances. We just need to get over it.

Of course tensions between Russia and Ukraine, and between Ukrainian and Russian citizens of Ukraine, continue. Many cities and districts of the easternmost portion of Ukraine have majority Russian populations. The economy is in bad shape. In the eastern part of Ukraine the economy is based on mining and heavy industry related to the mining. It consists, however, mostly of Soviet era equipment that is obsolete and horribly inefficient. All of Ukraine needs outside economic assistance on a huge scale. The country is heavily dependent on Russian natural gas for its energy supply, as by the way is Germany. The historical enmeshing of Russia and Ukraine that we have briefly reviewed here simply cannot be ignored. We don’t know what Putin is going to do, but clearly we must base our response to whatever he does on a better understanding of the history of the region than our response so far seems to reflect. I hope that my humble efforts at explanation here help you with that understanding.