The Politics of Fear:
Conservatism and the
Dynamics of Change
I have had a good deal of exposure
to conservatives and conservatism in recent times. I serve a small church that
has within it several people of a very conservative theological and political
bent. I have written before about how conservative, literalistic Christianity
is brittle. Dislodge just one of its elements and the whole thing collapses. Forty
years ago I wrote a Ph.D. dissertation on a very conservative Russian civil
servant and Over Procurator of the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church. I
am presently in the process of turning that dissertation into a book that I
might self-publish. The man I wrote about, Konstantin Petrovich Pobedonostsev,
could tolerate no significant change in the structure of tsarist Russia
because, I think, he feared a total collapse of the system he knew and served
if much of anything fundamental was changed in it. I just started reading David
Remnick’s book Lenin’s Tomb about the
last days of the Soviet Union in which among other things he reports on
conversations he had at the time with some very conservative Soviet people. Remnick’s
neo-Stalinists bristled at the thought of any change in the Soviet structure
because to them it meant that their whole world was about to collapse. These
days the news media bombard us with Donald Trump’s American brand of
neo-fascism. All in all it’s been more exposure to conservatives and
conservatism than I would really like.
I am nearly as far from a
conservative as you can get myself, so all this recent exposure to conservative
personalities and conservative thinking has got me thinking more about conservatism
than I would otherwise choose to do. As I have reflected on these
manifestations of conservatism some similarities among them have occurred to
me. First of all, all of them arose and were expressed in times of radical
change in the worlds their adherents had known. Pobedonostsev lived through and
even worked a bit on the reforms in the structure of the Russian state under
Alexander II. Then he experienced the rise of radical threats to that structure
and the state’s desperate efforts to defeat those threats. He spent his life
trying to preserve that which was already doomed. Conservative American
Christianity arose in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a
reaction against a changing world, a world of higher biblical criticism and
evolutionary biology. Remnick interviewed his neo-Stalinists in the world of perestroika and glasnost’ under Mikhail Gorbachev, changes that would undo the
world these people had grown up and supported, a world in which they had
prospered, at least by Russian standards of prosperity. Donald Trump has arisen
out of the hardly admirable world of real estate wheeling and dealing and the even
less reputable world of reality television. He has come to prominence at a time
when the world is transitioning from modernism to post modernism, a world in
which the United States of America is changing radically and rapidly from a
world in which straight, white, Protestant Christian men ran the show into a
much more diverse America in which those formerly dominant men are losing much
of the privilege that raised them above others in their society. These
different examples of conservative thinking come from different times and
places, but all have in common that they are expressions of resistance to
change that these conservatives want to stop.
All of these expressions of
resistance to change are grounded in a common emotion, the emotion of fear. Their
adherents would most likely not say they were afraid. They might not sound
afraid. They would say they are angry, and they would sound angry. Yet anger is
almost always grounded in fear, and it certainly is in these cases I’ve
mentioned here. How could Pobedonostsev cling doggedly to the belief that the
Russian people supported autocracy as he did unless he was terrified of what
would happen if that autocracy fell? How can Biblical literalists insist as
vehemently as they do that everything in the Bible is and must be factually
true unless they are terrified of what would happen if they only truth they
know was shown not to be true? How could Nina Alexandrovna Andreyevna and the
other neo-Stalinists Remnick interviewed cling to a thoroughly whitewashed view
of Stalin and his atrocities, ignoring the factual evidence and holding onto a
false history, unless they were terrified of what might happen if the
supposedly solid Soviet structure that had nurtured them were shown to grounded
in lies and crimes against humanity? How can Americans, mostly white Protestant
American men, support the insanity and inanity of Donald Trump about walling
off the US-Mexican border, denying entry into the country to all Muslims, and
so much more of his vitriol and bigotry unless they are terrified of what will
become of them when they lose the privilege they had and just took for granted?
I am convinced that the answer to all of those questions is: “They couldn’t.”
Fear explains how otherwise intelligent and rational people can cling to the
structures and ways of the past when those structures and ways are turning to
quicksand under their feet. Fear explains how people can cling to structures
and worldviews that are passing into history when all of the available evidence
shows how those structures and worldviews are changing and must change. Fear
explains how otherwise intelligent and rational people think they can stop the
world in its tracks and return it to the idealized past they have constructed
for themselves. Fear explains hatred. Fear explains how desperate conservatives
can hurl calumny at decent and caring people who see the world better than they
do. Across the board conservative politics are the politics of fear.
Radical conservatism is grounded in
fear, and it is futile. The old saying that the only constant in life is change
is true. All of the people in my examples here tried to stop or are trying to
stop that which cannot be stopped. They clung or are clinging to lost causes.
Pobedonostsev’s Russia collapsed into anarchy and then totalitarianism only ten
years after his death. Fundamentalist, literalistic Christianity is dead
because its assumptions are untenable and its consequences are unacceptable. It’s
just that some of its adherents don’t know yet that it is dead. The structure
of the USSR that Stalin built collapsed completely only three years or so after
Remnick interviewed Nina Alexandrovna Andreyevna. Radical conservatism is
always a commitment to a lost cause. It is always grounded in a fear of losing
what its proponents have and think they know, the only world they have
experienced and, sadly, the only world they can imagine. What radical
conservatism inevitably fails to discern is that the world to which it so
desperately clings first of all never existed and secondly could not be
preserved even if it had. It’s frantic effort to prevent change may have
temporary successes from time to time, but in the long run it always fails.
You’d think humanity would have
learned by now. You’d think that anyone with a high school education in history
would see that the world is constantly changing. You’d think they would see
that the old guard defenders of what was, or at least of what they think was,
always fail in the long run. Our world today is quite radically different from
the world into which I was born only seventy years ago. If we look back farther
than that we see worlds so alien to ours that we have to work hard in order to
understand the people of those worlds. The only constant is change. That seems
so obvious to me that I don’t see how anyone can deny it.
Now, of course not all change is
good, and not all change is the change leading to a new future. The lesson of
history is not that we must embrace any change that anyone advocates. Not at
all. Perhaps unfortunately the challenge we face is more difficult than that.
We must discern the larger trends of change, not the mere fads of fashion. Fashion
changes rapidly, the world changes slowly. Fashion changes, as nearly as I can
tell, because of human vanity and to make money for clothing designers,
manufacturers, and retailers. The world changes we know not why, but change it
always does. On the whole it changes in the direction of freedom. On the whole
it changes in the direction of liberation. It has reversals to be sure. The
first half of the twentieth century can be seen as one big but temporary
reversal. Martin Luther King, Jr., famously said that the arc of the universe
bends slowly, but it bends toward justice. On the whole I think he was right
about that. The task history places before us is to discern how the arc of the
universe is bending, then to help it bend. Bend it will whether we like it or
not, whether we help it or not. Bend it will even if we try to straighten it out.
That’s what conservative ideology always does, it tries to straighten out the
arc of the universe. I has never succeeded for long. It cannot ever succeed for
long because it works against the dynamics of the universe. Call them the
dynamics of God if you like. Whoever’s dynamics they are, they are inexorable;
and on the whole they work for good.
The politics of fear always fail.
They always have, and they always will. Conservatism grounded in fear is the
fight for a lost cause. In our country it fought to preserve slavery, and it
lost. It fought to preserve Jim Crow, and it lost. It fought to keep women out
of what it thought were male professions, and it lost. It fought and fights to
maintain bigotry and discrimination against LGBT people, and it lost, or at
least it is losing. Today radical conservatism fights against a truly
multi-cultural, multi-religious America, and it will lose. Radical conservatism
is grounded in privilege and the fear of losing that privilege. In the short
run we must oppose it. In the long run, it hasn’t got a chance. Thanks be to
God!
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