Thursday, October 18, 2018

Reflections on William Stringfellow's Theology of the Powers

For some reason I've been thinking today about William Stringfellow. For those of you who don't know, William Stringfellow (1928-1985) was an American lawyer and lay theologian who was a major voice for peace and justice in the US in the 1960s and 1970s. When I was in seminary between 1997 and 2000 several people, some of whom had met Stringfellow, urged me to read his works. What follows here is a paper I wrote on Stringfellow for a class at the Seattle University School of Theology and Ministry in late 1999 or early 2000. I believe it is worth reading today when the dynamic of social evil that it describes is more obvious than it has been for a long time. The text here is cut and pasted from that paper. It says that all of Stringfellow's works are out of print. That was true when I wrote the paper, but since then many of them have been republished by Wipf and Stock Publishers in Eugene, Oregon, and are available from that source. The copy of the paper I still have doesn't have a title, so I added one here that probably isn't the title the paper originally had. I have edited the paper for typos and other clerical errors, although I won't be surprised if I missed some. The paper is long for a blog post, but I trust you will find it worth reading. Feel free to quote and use it with attribution to me as its author.

Reflections on William Stringfellow's Theology of the Powers

(c) Thomas C. Sorenson, 2018


For many years now, several different people whose opinions I respect have told me I need to read the works of William Stringfellow.  Within the past several months there has been an interesting convergence around this name in which three different pastors whom I know well (and who know me well) have mentioned that they either met Stringfellow or at least heard him speak back in the 1960s or 1970s.  It seemed there was a message trying to get through.  Like me, Stringfellow was a lawyer, and like me, he had a passion for theology.  The necessity of writing a paper for this class presented me with an opportunity at last to take up these repeated suggestions, to listen to that message, and to look into Stringfellow’s thought.  I discovered a powerful theologian and a stirring voice for social justice whose thought is a major contribution to our understanding of the nature of social evil in the world.  It is the thesis of this paper that Stringfellow taught a kind of Social Gospel, but one rooted not in Protestant liberalism but in Neo-Orthodox theology.

This paper will consider primarily an important aspect of Stringfellow’s thought, namely, his theology of the “powers and principalities.”  Although all of Stringfellow’s books are now out of print, through his work on this subject Stringfellow has been a major indirect influence on a great many people today.  Many of us are familiar with the work of Walter Wink on the subject of powers and principalities.[1]  Stringfellow’s earlier work on the subject is clearly the starting point of Wink’s very influential work in this area.[2]  Grounded principally in the writings of St. Paul and the Book of Revelation, Stringfellow used the concept of powers and principalities to make sense out of the chaos, violence, and injustice that he perceived to be rampant in this country in the 1960s and early 1970s, when he did most of his writing.  This concept, as Stringfellow understood it, is quite foreign to the American mind, as Stringfellow never tired of saying.  Nonetheless, it is a concept well worth considering as we try to make sense out of the persistence of social evils in the country and around the world in our own times.  As Stringfellow also often said, we ignore this understanding of the nature of institutional sin at our peril.

Stringfellow was a lawyer, a graduate of Harvard Law School.  In 1956,  just after graduating from law school, he began practicing law in the East Harlem neighborhood of New York,[3] a place he once called “perhaps the most notorious slum in New York City.”[4]  Other details of his biography are scarce in the material available to me.  He was a close friend of Daniel Berrigan[5], and he was once under federal indictment for harboring a fugitive for giving Berrigan a place to stay in Stringfellow’s home while Berrigan was eluding the authorities who were seeking to arrest him.[6]  Stringfellow lived for many years with his “friend and companion”  Anthony Towne.[7]  He was a frequent lecturer at law schools and seminaries and was a prolific writer.[8]  Stringfellow was an Episcopal laymen; and he was involved (in ways my materials do not disclose) in the ordination of the first women as Episcopal priests.[9] 

Stringfellow’s theology of the powers and principalities cannot, I think, be fully understood without keeping in mind the nature of the times in which he lived.  Of course, those times are not so remote as to be unfamiliar from personal experience to many of us, myself included.  Stringfellow’s active professional years were the years of the Civil Rights Movement, the Vietnam War and the peace movement that arose in reaction to it, the assassinations of John Kennedy, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert Kennedy, the killings at Kent State, and Watergate.  It was a time of growing awareness of the environmental degradation that was threatening all life on our planet.  Toward the end of Stringfellow’s life, the women’s movement rose to prominence in American public life, and he was influenced by it.[10]  In short, he lived in a time of wide-spread social change and upheaval, a time when it was easier to see than perhaps it is today how the powers and principalities, whose hold on American life was threatened by that upheaval, were fighting back in violent, dehumanizing ways. 

Living in this environment, Stringfellow developed a powerfully bleak view of American life.  Writing in 1973, at the very end of the Vietnam War, he stated:



The people have been existing under a state of such interminable warfare that it seems normative.  There is little resistance to the official Orwellian designation of war as peace….Racial conflict has been suppressed by an elaborate apartheid; products which supposedly mean abundance or convenience turn out to contaminate or jeopardize life; the environment itself is rendered hostile; there is pervasive babel (sic); privacy is a memory because surveillance is ubiquitous; institutional coercion of human beings has proliferated relentlessly.  Whatever must be said of earlier times, America has become a technological totalitarianism in which hope, in its ordinary human connotations, is being annihilated.[11]



Stringfellow’s view of American life during his most productive years was very bleak indeed.  His theology of the powers and principalities can best be understood, I think, as an attempt to make theological sense out of the bleak state of the world in which he lived.

Stringfellow must also be understood in light of his experience living and working in East Harlem.[12]  Space and time limitations prevent me from going into this experience in detail.  Suffice it to quote Stringfellow’s own summary of the impact that experience had on him:



Slowly I learned something that folk indigenous to the ghetto know:  namely, that the power and purpose of death are incarnated in institutions and structures, procedures and regimes--Consolidated Edison or the Department of Welfare, the Mafia, or the police, the Housing Authority or the social work bureaucracy, the hospital system or the banks, liberal philanthropy or corporate real estate speculation.  In the wisdom of the people of the East Harlem neighborhood, such principalities are identified as demonic powers because of the relentless and ruthless dehumanization that they cause.[13]



In his experience in East Harlem, Stringfellow thus experienced firsthand the effects of institutionalized sin on human beings.  When he wrote about the powers and principalities, he was writing from intense personal experience.  Stringfellow was an “Anglo-Saxon white man.”[14]  He grew up in Northampton, Massachusetts, which he describes as “radically different” from East Harlem.[15]  It seems likely, therefore, that in East Harlem he had a new kind of experience of injustice in American life, the kind of experience so many of us white, relatively well-off Americans never have.  His theology of the powers and principalities grew largely out of this experience.

            The Biblical roots of the concept of powers and principalities lie primarily in the letter of Paul.  The word “principalities” comes from the King James Version, and the word “powers” is found both there and in more modern translations such as the NRSV.  Thus, in Romans 8:38 Paul lists “powers” among the things that cannot separate us from the love of God in Christ.  At Ephesians 6:12 Paul says: “For our struggle is not against enemies of blood and flesh, but against the rulers, against the authorities, against the cosmic powers of this present darkness, against the spiritual forces of evil in the heavenly places.”  Although probably not written by Paul himself, the pseudo-Pauline Letter to the Colossians, referring of course to Christ, states:  “He is the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation;  for in  him all things in heaven and on earth were created, things visible and invisible, whether thrones or dominions or rulers or powers—all things have been created through him and for him.”  Col. 1:15-16  One commentator, referring specifically to the passage in Ephesians, says this about Paul’s meaning when he uses this term:



Rather than imposing a mythological or demonic worldview upon the readers, the author of Ephesians probably means by these terms biological and psychological, social and political, cultural and religious forces that are unseen and yet encountered in human existence (cf. Romans 8.38–39; also Colossians and Revelation). Ephesians intends to assure the tempted, suffering, and desperate among humankind that God has made his own cause not only the suffering that must be endured, but also the resistance, combat, and victory over the superhuman ruling powers.[16]



Markus Barth’s attempt here to portray this worldview as neither mythological nor demonic is less than convincing, but his main point is well taken.  Stringfellow would certainly agree that the powers and principalities are unseen forces of this sort encountered in human existence.  He would probably even agree that they are “superhuman ruling powers;” and he would certainly agree, as we shall see, that God has made resistance to them God’s own cause.  Clearly Stringfellow is using concepts with a solid Biblical foundation in the writings of St. Paul.

            Just what did Stringfellow think the powers and principalities are?  The answer seems to be that they are anything other than an individual person that exerts a power over human life.  He wrote that they include



all institutions, all ideologies, all images, all movements, all causes, all corporations, all bureaucracies, all traditions, all methods and routines, all conglomerates, all races, all nations, all idols.  Thus, the Pentagon or the Ford Motor Company or Harvard University or the Hudson Institute or Consolidated Edison or the Diners Club or the Olympics or the Methodist Church or the Teamsters Union are all principalities.  So are capitalism, Maoism, humanism, Mormonism, astrology, the Puritan work ethic, science and scientism, white supremacy, patriotism, plus many, many more--sports, sex, any profession or discipline, technology, money, the family--beyond any prospect of full enumeration.  The principalities and powers are legion. [17]



Thus, we are daily surrounded by principalities.  We live our lives in them.  We are their agents.  There is no way to escape them.  They are everywhere, and their influence is pervasive in every aspect of our lives.

            Although all powers and principalities share certain characteristics, the most important of which are discussed below, the principality that Stringfellow on at least one occasion called “archetypical,”[18] is the nation or the state.  Stringfellow said that the state “has a particular eminence” among the principalities that derives from “the jurisdiction asserted by the State over other institutions and powers within a nation.”[19]  It epitomizes those other principalities and powers and possesses or at least claims “a certain special stature or eminence” with regard to them.[20]  The state exposes the essential characteristic of all principalities (which as we shall see below Stringfellow names as death) “with a directness and severity that is not so public or so obvious in the existence of most other principalities.”[21]

            The powers and principalities were for Stringfellow not human constructs but divinely generated creatures in the same sense as humans and all other created entities.  They are not biological creatures as humans are, but they are creatures made by God nonetheless.  He called a principality or power “a form of life, a creaturliness, which is potent and mobile and diverse, not static or neat or simply defined by what it may now or then be called.”[22] He said that “[w]hat the Bible calls principalities and powers are called in contemporary language ideologies, institutions, and images.”[23]  He commented:



A principality, whatever its particular form and variety, is a living reality, distinguishable from human and other organic life.  It is not made or instituted by human beings, but as with humans and all creation, made by God for God’s own pleasure.[24]     



The powers and principalities were, then, for Stringfellow creatures originating with God.  They do not have organic bodies, but they are creatures nonetheless.

            As creatures in their own right, powers and principalities are not merely human creations, nor are they mere collectives of human beings.  Stringfellow recognized that this can be a difficult concept.  Indeed, he admitted he could not fully explain how this fact comes about, given the undeniable truth that on some level humans indeed create the things that become powers and principalities.  He commented:



     The typical version of human reluctance to accord the principalities their due integrity as creatures is the illusion of human beings that they make or create and, hence, control institutions and that institutions are no more than groups of human beings duly organized.  How do these creatures called principalities come into existence?  How does an institution originate?  Where does tradition come from?  When is a nation born?  How is an ideology created?

     I am frank to admit to no full answers to such queries and further to confess that I am more or less content to leave these questions unanswered.  The exact origins of the creatureliness of principalities is a mystery in quite the same sense that the creaturehood of human beings remains mysterious.  Within such mysteries, we are not bereft of any insight, but what is knowable is partial and ambiguous, limited and fragile.  Thus, we know that human beings are privy to the public inception and generation of institutions and other principalities….Yet that human privity seems insufficient to be the whole truth; something more than the summation of human thought and activity is involved in the creature identity of principalities.[25]



Stringfellow buttressed his claim that principalities are creatures by appealing to empirical evidence:



[A]n understanding of the life of principalities as part of God’s work of creation, and not man’s doing, is the biblical view confirmed empirically by the most widespread redundant and cumulative evidence that human beings do not control institutions or any other principalities.[26]



Thus, while we live under the illusion that we create and control the non-human forces in our lives, those forces are in fact not under our control because in the last analysis they are independent creatures independently and mysteriously created by God.

            Stringfellow makes (but does not stress) the point that because the powers and principalities are God’s creations they are, like the rest of creation, created good and initially put under the dominion of humans.  He wrote:  “They are given by God into human dominion and are means through which human beings rejoice in the gift of life by acknowledging and honoring God, who gives life to all and to the whole of creation.”[27]  Thus, God’s original intention in creating the principalities was good.  More specifically, that intention was to make them servants of humanity to the glory of God.  The initial goodness of the principalities is not a major theme with Stringfellow, but it is a logically necessary element of his theology once he has declared them to be creatures of God and not mere human constructs.

            The principalities were created good but, as we will see in greater detail below, and as has probably become clear already at least by implication, their effect on humans in the world is profoundly negative.  Stringfellow explains this paradox by the very traditional Christian method of emphasizing the reality and the significance of the Fall.  The Fall means for Stringfellow “the alienation of the whole of Creation from God….[28]  As a result of the Fall, all relationships in creation are disordered, including the relationships of the principalities to God, to humans, and to their own true nature.  All principalities (he here uses the word institutions but he means the same thing by it)



exist, in time, in a moral state which is the equivalent of death or which has the meaning of death.  Every principality in its fallenness exists in remarkable confusion as to its own origins, identity, and office.  The fallen principalities falsely--and futilely--claim autonomy from God and dominion over human beings and the rest of creation, thus disrupting and usurping the godly vocation or blaspheming, while repudiating their own vocation.[29]



Like all of the rest of creation, the principalities under conditions of the Fall are not what God created them to be.  Rather than being subject to God and to human dominion, they claim autonomy and supremacy within creation.  This is the source of all the trouble they cause in the world.

            In their fallen state, the principalities, every last one of them, have become for Stringfellow instrumentalities of death.  Death as the moral force operative in the powers and principalities, or as the consequence of human idolatry of the principalities, is a central concept for Stringfellow.  This notion of Stringfellow’s is in some ways  difficult, but if we would understand Stringfellow we must attempt to understand what he means when he says that the principalities are driven by the principle of death.  The following is one of his better statements of his understanding of principalities as instrumentalities of death:



Death is the only moral significance which a principality proffers human beings.  That is to say, whatever intrinsic moral power is embodied in a principality--for a great corporation, profit, for example, or, for a nation, hegemony; or, for an ideology, conformity--that is sooner or later suspended by the greater moral power of death….Death is--apart from God himself--the greatest moral power in this world, outlasting and subduing all other powers, no matter how marvelous they may seem to be for a time being.  This means, theologically speaking, that the object of allegiance and servitude, the real idol secreted within all idolatries, the power above all principalities and powers--the idol of all idols--is death.[30]



All principalities are, in the last analysis, “agents of death.”[31] 

            Stringfellow here is essentially setting up, if not an ontological dualism of forces of good and evil, then at least a way of understanding reality in which there are only two moral forces to which one can owe allegiance, namely, God and death.  He wrote:  “After all is said and done, apart from God himself, death is the only extant moral power living in this world (notice Luke 10:17-20).”[32]  Anything that does not owe ultimate allegiance to God therefore ultimately owes its allegiance to death.  Because the principalities are fallen, they no longer owe their allegiance to God, as they were created to do.  Because they do not, they become agents of death.

            Death for Stringfellow is not merely the physical death of individuals.  Rather, it is a pervasive power in the life of the world.  In addition to physical death it means “death apprehended sociologically and anthropologically, psychologically and psychically, economically and politically, societally and institutionally.  Death as a moral power means death as a social purpose.”[33]  Death as a social purpose!  For Stringfellow, the powers and principalities are indeed all about producing death because, as fallen, they are not about fostering life.

            Perhaps in an effort to avoid an ontological dualism in which evil would become a rival god to the God of creation, Stringfellow denied that the principalities are evil.  He preferred to call them “demonic.”  He wrote:



Like all people and all things, the angelic powers and principalities are fallen and are become demonic powers.  Demonic does not mean evil; the word refers rather to death, to fallenness.  An angelic power in its fallen estate is called a demonic power because it is a principality existing in the present age in a state of alienation from God, cut off from the life originating in God’s life, separated from its own true life, and thus, being in a state of death.[34]



By using the term demonic rather than the term evil, Stringfellow has retained, in a Biblically legitimate way, the ontological connection between the principalities and God.  Though they are fallen, the principalities are not the creations or the tools of an evil having ontological standing apart from God.

Rather than labeling the principalities evil, Stringfellow focuses on the effect they have on human beings.  That effect is, in a word, dehumanization.  Thus, early in An Ethic for Christians and Other Aliens in a Strange Land, as part of his analysis of the nature of contemporary American life from which we quoted above, he wrote:



I refer…not so much to an evil mind as to a paralyzed conscience; not so much to either personal or corporate immorality as to a social pathology possessing persons and institutions; not so much to malevolence, however incarnate, as to the literal dehumanization of human life in society.[35]



The problem is not that people are evil, he says, but that they “have been dehumanized by the principalities and powers, for which they are acolytes.”[36]  The American middle class, he believed, has become so demoralized and dehumanized by the powers and principalities that they have essentially “quit as human beings.”[37]  Stringfellow did not at this point explain what he meant by that striking phrase; but it seems likely that what he had in mind was the widespread failure of the American public to resist the work of the principalities in such atrocities as the Vietnam War.  This notion is seen in such statements of Stringfellow’s that only in those who are in conflict with “the established order” can one identify “maturity, conscience, and paradoxically, freedom…,”[38] that is to can say, can one identify true humanity.

            A major effect of the Fall with regard to the powers and principalities is that in the Fall the human dominion over them that God intended was reversed.  Under the conditions of the Fall, “the principalities exert dominion over human beings and claim in their own names and for themselves idolatrous worship from human beings.”[39]  Indeed, the fundamental harm that humans suffer from the principalities comes for Stringfellow from the function of the principalities as idols.  In our alienation from God that results from the Fall, humans engage in a “pathetic” search for a God substitute.  We make one or another principality our idol, our God substitute.  Our efforts, however, to replace what we have lost with an idol is always futile.  Idolatry is invariable worship of death.  Stringfellow states:  “The principalities are themselves consigned to death just as much as the people who worship them.  Thus, the idolatry of the demonic powers by humans turns out always to be a worship of death.”[40]  The principalities constantly assail humans  with “the claim…for an idolatry that, in spite of all disguises, really surrenders to death as the reigning presence in the world.”[41]  We can perhaps summarize Stringfellow here by saying that for him the central dynamic of human life under the conditions of the Fall is a continual falling into an idolatry to the principalities that inevitably becomes a worship of death.[42]

            It would be harder to imagine a bleaker evaluation of American life, or a bleaker analysis of the dynamics of all human life, than Stringfellow gives in his theology of the powers and principalities.  Again and again in his writing one encounters striking, even shocking condemnations of America and of American life.  He did not consider America morally superior in any way to the Nazis.  Rather he wrote that after World War II American was taken over by the spirit of Nazism:



That is to say, the ethos of Nazism, the mentality of Nazism, the social ethos of Nazism, survives, prospers, and more and more prevails in specific American versions…which can be symbolized and summarized in three words:  war, racism, and genocide.[43]



            The American church did not escape Stringfellow’s searing criticism.  He wrote extensively on the church, but space and time limitations prevent me from going into that part of his thought.  Suffice it to say that in Ethic, which is not primarily about the church at all, he identified the American churches as “the most venial, manipulated, and degraded vassals of the power of death.”[44]  He saw nothing but captivity by death even in the law, his chosen area of professional life.[45]  One is left with the burning question:  Is there no hope?

            Perhaps surprisingly Stringfellow’s answer was:  Yes!  Hope is possible because of the action of God in Christ and the presence of God in the world.[46]  We noted above that the concept of the Fall was central for Stringfellow’s understanding of the powers and principalities.  He understood the result of the Fall, as we have seen, as being alienation of humans, and of the principalities for that matter, from God, each other, and their own true nature.  That alienation, that is, the Fall itself, is overcome for Stringfellow (as for St. Paul) in Christ.  He wrote:



In Jesus Christ there is no chasm between God and the world…. Jesus Christ means that God comes extremely, decisively, inclusively, immediately for the ordinary, transient, proud, wonderful, besetting, profane, frivolous, heroic, lusty things of men.  The reconciliation of God and the world in Jesus Christ means that in Christ there is a radical and integral relationship of all men and of all things.  In Him all things are held together….Existentially and empirically the reconciliation of the world with God in Jesus Christ establishes a man in unity with both God and the whole world.[47]



In language Karl Barth would have loved, Stringfellow says that our knowledge of the power of death in our lives leads us into a crisis,[48] and that it is this crisis that makes us Christians.  He wrote:



The event of becoming a Christian is that event in which a man confronts and confesses the presence and power of death in his own life--in every facet and detail of his own personality…while in the same event he is exposed to and beholds the power and presence of God which is greater than death.[49]



When we experience this crisis, we at the same time become aware of “the power and the truth of the Resurrection:  this presence of God in history which is greater than any of death’s threats or temptations and more potent and which endures forever.”[50]  God participates in this crisis with us.  Indeed, God even participates in death with us, and it is this divine participation in every aspect of our lives that renders the Christian safe.[51]  In his or her knowledge of the truth of the Resurrection and of God’s enduring presence in all aspects of our lives, the Christian is free; free, that is, “to give his present life away, since his life is secure in the life of God.”[52]

            The Christian’s knowledge of the saving presence of God in the world carries with it an obligation to be fully engaged in the world for the sake of the world.  “The Christian is committed permanently to radical protest in society,”  Stringfellow wrote.[53]  Every Christian is responsible for the “stewardship of the Gospel in his daily life and work.”[54]  Part of that stewardship is what Stringfellow calls “moral theology, that is, the interpretation and articulation, from time to time, of the significance of the Word of God in social conflict and change.”[55]  That work requires that the Christian be engaged in “a full involvement in secular affairs….”[56]  Stringfellow wrote:



The Christian social witness is achieved only insofar as Christians are deeply implicated in the real life of society--in unions and political clubs and citizen groups and the like; it is not made by Christian people gathering off by themselves in a parish house to study and discuss social issues.  Witness becomes possible only when the Christian is on the actual scent where the conflict is taking place, the decision is being made, the legislation is being enacted.[57]



Thus, for Stringfellow, Christians are called into to witness for the Word of God in the world.  Clearly for Stringfellow, that meant being present with the poor and the oppressed.  That’s where he spent much of his professional life as a lawyer.  Clearly it meant engaging in that “radical protest” to which he refers in the quote above.  Stringfellow did that in his own life.  It meant giving one’s life away, or at least being willing to do so, in the freedom we have in Christ from death and the fear of death.  Here is a sound theological basis for a life of Christian commitment to justice and social change.

            Yet it is a very different basis for such a life than most liberal Christians usually think of.  It is commonplace in liberal denominations, like my own United Church of Christ, to take mission work to mean providing social services and working for peace and against oppression.  To the very limited extent that Evangelization is considered at all, the assumption is that some people may be moved to inquire into why these Christians do these things, and some may wish to join a faith that moves people to such work.  There is also a widespread assumption that God’s Kingdom can come about only through our own efforts, since God has no other way to work in the world.  These assumptions are grounded in considerable part in the Social Gospel traditionally understood.

            Stringfellow would have none of it.  To him, the Social Gospel traditionally understood is a form of agnosticism.[58]  This form of Protestantism, he said,



expects that fortunate concurrence of circumstances in which men master history and build themselves a city of salvation.  For such Protestants sacramental worship seems an indecisive, historically insignificant and archaic exercise.  And why shouldn’t it if, from their vantage point, the saving work of God in Jesus Christ is incomplete and still contingent upon the work of men, and God is less than God?[59]



In other words, for Stringfellow the bringing about of the Kingdom of God on earth is the work of God, not the work of human beings, not even the work of the Church or of Christian people collectively or individually.  We witness to the Word of God in the world; God builds the Kingdom.  The Christian’s call is only “exposing the Word to others….This is the only service which Christians owe the world, and all else they do or may do…is encompassed in this service.”[60]  The Christian’s job, then, is to focus on what is unique to the Christian witness.  Social service work is not unique to Christians.  Working for justice and an end of oppression is not unique to Christians.  Opposing war and working for peace is not unique to Christians.  Witnessing to the Word of God in Jesus Christ is  unique to Christians.  That is what we are to do, and all else will follow from the witness.

            One of Stringfellow’s more stirring bits of writing sums up how we are then to live in the midst of the Fall, amidst the power of death:



     In the face of death, live humanly.  In the middle of chaos, celebrate the Word.  Amidst babel (sic)…speak the truth.  Confront the noise and verbiage and falsehood of death with the truth and potency and efficacy of the Word of God.  Know the Word, teach the Word, nurture the Word, preach the Word, defend the Word, incarnate the Word, do the Word, live the Word.  And more than that, in the Word of God, expose death and all death’s works and wiles, rebuke lies, cast out demons, exorcise, cleanse the possessed, raise those who are dead in mind and conscience.[61]



In other words, he said, live out the gifts of the Holy Spirit:  The exercise of those gifts constitutes the essential tactic of resistance to the power of death.[62]

            What then are we to make of Stringfellow’s  theology of the powers and principalities?  It constitutes, I believe, a Neo-Orthodox Social Gospel.  Stringfellow is clearly Neo-Orthodox.  The echoes of Barth, who was a big fan of his,[63] are unmistakable in his ideas about the crisis of our awareness of the prevalence of death leading us to faith in the Resurrection of Christ. Only in Christ do we have any ability to resist the power of death in the world.  Stringfellow is no Christian liberal, although he may have been a political and social one.  He has no faith in the goodness of human beings apart from their redemption in Christ.  He has no faith in our power to bring about the Kingdom on our own.  Indeed, bringing about the Kingdom is not our job, is not what we are called to attempt to do.  Rather, we are called merely to witness to the power of the Word of God in the world, to witness to the power of Christ to overcome the power of death.  No wonder Barth was so fond of Stringfellow.

            Any evaluation of Stringfellow must come to terms with, among other things, his relentlessly bleak view of the nature of social, political, economic, cultural, educational, religious, and other institutions.  Are they really all about death?  Is there nothing redeeming about them?  We must keep in mind that for Stringfellow anything that does not serve the Word of God in the world serves death.  These are the only two moral forces available to us.  So to some extent, the powers and principalities serve death by definition, since they do not serve God.  Beyond that, we live perhaps in more tranquil times than those that produced Stringfellow’s view of the principalities (though many of us lived through those times too); and most of us white, middle class, well-educated, straight people have not had his immediate experience of the life of the very poor and oppressed among us.  Perhaps for these reasons it is difficult for me to see such institutions as law and social service agencies in as totally pessimistic terms as Stringfellow did.  Yet his words are a good reminder to us.  Institutions do have a life of their own; and that life is almost always their ultimate concern.  They can and usually do therefore become anti-human, that is, they can easily become, if they are not already, instruments of death.  We forget these truths at our peril.

            Finally we must assess Stringfellow’s strong Christocentric view of life and his strong belief that Christians are called only to witness to the Gospel, not first of all to do other good works in response to God’s grace.  These are challenging words for those of us who live squarely in the tradition of liberal Protestantism and the Social Gospel more traditionally understood.  Yet I find them to be an important corrective to some of the more unfortunate tendencies of my tradition.  Liberal, Social Gospel Protestantism can look very much like liberal secular humanism with stained glass windows.  The theology, such as it is, of liberal UCC churches can be a kind of functional Unitarianism that uses Trinitarian language it neither understands nor believes.  It can cease to look much like Christianity altogether.  When it does, it loses its grounding, its roots.  It becomes cut off from that living faith out of which it originally grew and which has the ability to nourish it and sustain it in profound and powerful ways.  We would do well to rediscover Stringfellow and, as Barth said, to listen to him.



Bibliography



Barth, Markus K., “The Letter of Paul to the Ephesians,” The Oxford Companion to the Bible,, The New Oxford Annotated Biblical Reference Library, CD Rom version, Oxford University Press, 1996.



Kellermann, Bill Wylie, ed., A Keeper of the Word, Selected Writing of William Stringfellow, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1994.



Stringfellow, William, Count It All Joy, Reflections on Faith, Doubt, and Temptation Seen Through the Letter of James, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1967.



Stringfellow, William, An Ethic for Christians and Other Aliens in a Strange Land, Word Books, Waco, Texas, 1973.



My People Is the Enemy, an Autobiographical Polemic, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1964.



Stringfellow, William, A Private and Public Faith,  William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1962



[1]              The reference is to Wink’s highly influential three volume series Naming the Powers (1984), Unmasking the Powers (1986), and Engaging the Powers (1992), all published by Fortress Press, Philadelphia.  Because Stringfellow’s works are out of print, only the few contained in the Seattle University library were available to me.  Most of these are listed in the bibliography to this paper.  Fortunately, the SU library has a copy of a very useful compilation of selections from Stringfellow’s writings:  Kellermann, Bill Wylie, ed., A Keeper of the Word, Selected Writing of William Stringfellow, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1994.  This anthology contains sections of some of Stringfellow’s important works that would not otherwise have been available to me.
[2]              Id., pp. 1-2.
[3]              Id., p. 2.
[4]              Stringfellow, William, A Private and Public Faith,  William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1962, p. 58.
[5]              Stringfellow maintained close friendships with several other prominent people as well, perhaps most notably with the French writer Jacques Ellul.
[6]              Id., p. 13.  A little oral history here:  Although Kellermann does not say so, Rev. Dr. Dennis Hughes, the pastor of Northminster Presbyterian Church in Seattle, who was an anti-war activist himself during his time at Yale Divinity School in the late 1960s, has told me that at the time Berrigan was under indictment for breaking into a draft board office and pouring blood over the draft records.  Stringfellow was very sympathetic and may even have been involved in that incident himself.
[7]              Id., p. 7.  Some more oral history:  Rev. Kimbrough Besheer, a local Episcopal priest and Jungian analyst, who met and spoke with Stringfellow on at least one occasion in the office of the Episcopal bishop of Rhode Island, has told me that Stringfellow was gay.  Kellermann does not mention this fact.  Neither does Stringfellow in anything I have seen.  If it is true it would add another dimension to Stringfellow’s personal experience of social oppression by the powers and principalities, which clearly include prominently in their number heterosexism and homophobia.
[8]              Kellermann’s bibliography of Stringfellow’s works covers ten pages.  Kellermann, op. cit., pp. 416-426.
[9]                 Id., p. 10.
[10]             Stringfellow came late to an understanding of the need for inclusive language.  Id.  In the quotes that follow, I will not change Stringfellow’s language for the sake of inclusiveness, as Kellermann has done to some extent.  Any masculine exclusive language in those quotes is Stringfellow’s.  My decision not to change his words comes from a respect for the integrity of historical texts as reflecting the culture in which they were written and in no way reflects a personal endorsement of the use of such exclusive language.  Since Kellermann made a different decision and changed some of Stringfellow’s language to be more inclusive, I cannot be sure that all of the language in the passages quoted from Kellermann are Stringfellow’s original words.  You will note in some of those passages, for example, the frequent use of words like “human beings” or “humans.”  Stringfellow’s original wording may well have been “men” in some of these instances, especially in his earlier works.
[11]             Stringfellow, William, An Ethic for Christians and Other Aliens in a Strange Land, Word Books, Waco, Texas, 1973, p. 20.
[12]             Stringfellow recounts the nature and significance for him of this experience in his book My People Is the Enemy, an Autobiographical Polemic, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York, 1964.
[13]             Stringfellow, William, Instead of Death, 1967 ed., Seabury Press, p. 5; quoted in Kellermann, op. cit., p. 2.
[14]             Stringfellow, My People Is the Enemy, supra, p. 3.
[15]             Id., p. 4.
[16]             Barth, Markus K., “The Letter of Paul to the Ephesians,” The Oxford Companion to the Bible,, The New Oxford Annotated Biblical Reference Library, CD Rom version, Oxford University Press, 1996.
[17]             Stringfellow, An Ethic for Christians and Other Aliens in a Strange Land, supra, p. 78.  Kellermann says that this work “articulates most completely [Stringfellow’s] theology of the powers.”  Kellermann, op. cit., p. 3.  Many of the quotes used in this paper are from this work, which for convenience I will henceforth cite as Stringfellow, Ethic.
[18]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 110.
[19]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 109.
[20]             Stringfellow, Ethic,, p. 110.
[21]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 110.
[22]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 79.
[23]             Quoted at Kellermann, op. cit., p. 194, quoting from Stringfellow, William, Free in Obedience, The Radical Christian Life,, Seabury Press, 1964.  Kellermann calls this work Stringfellow’s “seminal treatment of the principalities and the ethics of freedom.”  Kellermann, op. cit., p. 2.
[24]             Id.
[25]             Stringfellow, Ethic, pp. 79-80.
[26]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 80.
[27]             Quoted in Kellermann, op. cit., p. 194, from Freedom in Obedience, supra.
[28]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 76.
[29]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 80.
[30]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 81.
[31]             Id.
[32]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 68.  The Gospel passage Stringfellow cited here is the report of the seventy when they returned to Jesus of how even demons submitted to them when they ministered in his name.
[33]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 70.
[34]             Kellermann, op. cit., p. 199, quoting from Free in Obedience, supra.
[35]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 29.
[36]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 30.
[37]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 31.
[38]             Id.
[39]             Kellermann, op. cit., p. 200, quoting from Freedom in Obedience, op. cit.
[40]             Id.
[41]             Id., p. 202.
[42]             Although in the analysis below I stress Stringfellow’s similarity to Barth, his analysis of idolatry has a distinctly Tillichean ring to it.
[43]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p. 125.
[44]             Stringfellow, Ethic, p., 121.
[45]             I remember reading, but as I write this cannot find in my notes, a statement in which he rejects the idea that the law is in some ways beneficent because, in America at least, it acts to some extent to protect the individual from the power of the state.  He rejected that view because, he said, as a principality the law itself is ultimately an agent of death no better than any other agent of death.  I know few people as cynical about the American legal system as I am after 18 years of practicing law in it; yet Stringfellow’s total denial of any positive role for the law in society goes too far even for me.  It’s bad, but it isn’t as bad as a legal system can be.  Certainly the legal system in the old Soviet Union, which I have studied and about which I once taught at the University of Washington, was far more in bondage to the powers of death than is the American legal system.  Our system does actually, on the too rare occasions when it works the way it should, provide significant protection to individuals from the principalities.  Did Stringfellow never see that happening in his work as a lawyer?
[46]             Stringfellow had a rather odd practice of using the phrase “Word of God” when what he actually meant was simply God.  In the quotes that follow, it will help to understand God when Stringfellow says Word of God.
[47]             Stringfellow, William, A Private and Public Faith, supra, p. 40.
[48]             Id., p. 65.
[49]             Id., p. 64.
[50]             Id.
[51]             Id., p. 65.
[52]             Id., p. 66.
[53]             Id., p. 22.
[54]             Id., p. 53.
[55]             Id.
[56]             Id.
[57]             Id., p. 54.
[58]             Id., p. 28.
[59]             Id., pp. 28-29.
[60]             Id., pp. 61-62.
[61]             Ethic, pp. 142-143.
[62]             Id., p. 145.
[63]             Stringfellow had a famous encounter with Barth at the University of Chicago in 1962.  The book jacket to A Private and Public Faith quotes Barth as calling Stringfellow “the conscientious and thoughtful New York attorney who caught my attention more than any other person.”  Kellermannn reports that Barth said of Stringfellow:  “You should listen to this man!”  Kellermannn, op. cit., p. 1. 

Friday, October 5, 2018

On Being a White American Male

I am an American. I am white. I am male. I am 72 years old. Those demographics say that I should be a hide-bound conservative, probably a Trump voter, and a big fan of Brett Kavanaugh. Yet as readers of this blog and of my Facebook page know, I am none of those things. I hear or read over and over again that it's we white males that are the reason American politics are so messed up. We vote for Republicans who pander to narrow-minded social conservatives, enact policies that benefit only the rich, and elect the utterly unqualified, narcissistic, emotionally unstable fascist Donald Trump president. We white males are the problem in this country. Yes, white women often vote the same way, although probably in smaller numbers. Mostly it's we white males who mess up our country. We're sexists. We disbelieve sexual assault survivors and commit most of those sexual assaults. We hoard our wealth We discriminate against Black people. We hate immigrants. We don't care about the environment. Just look at the polling and you'll see that all of those things are generally true about us white, male Americans. Many of those things are especially true of older white male Americans like me.

And I just don't get it. Why should older white male Americans be so politically destructive? Yes, we grew up in an era when racism and sexism were even more the American norm than they are now. Yes, we've driven our cars, most of them bigger than anyone needs them to be, for over half a century. Yes, we were taught by our culture that our role was to make money and be conspicuous consumers. Yes, we absorbed racism through the air we breathed in a thoroughly racist culture about which we were never told the truth. Yes, we thought women were mostly supposed to be wives and mothers. Not of course that there's anything wrong with being a wife and mother, but the corollary of that belief was that women weren't supposed to be much else other than maybe teachers or nurses and certainly weren't supposed to be doctors, lawyers, top business executives, or politicians. Yes, all of that is true of us, and I still don't get it. Why are we as a demographic category so backward? There has to be a reason. I wish I knew what it is. Here's the best explanation I can come up with, and it is definitely a reason not an excuse.

I think it must all have to do with privilege. Older white American males have enjoyed a great deal of privilege for a long time, for all of our lives actually; and we grew up in a culture in which white males enjoyed a great deal of privilege for a very long time before us. Mostly we haven't been aware of all the privilege we've had. We've even denied that we have it. Yet for anyone willing to look at the facts of American life it is obvious that we do. We've benefited greatly from it. We haven't had to worry that employers, landlords, retail establishments, the schools, the courts, or anyone else will discriminate against us because of our race--or because of our gender.

Yes, we've benefited greatly from out privilege, but in addition to being unaware of our privilege we have been unaware of how our privilege has harmed people who don't have it. We don't know what it is to be Black or Latino or Native American in America. We don't know what it is to be female in America. We haven't wanted to know, so we've done nothing to try to learn what our privilege does to others. We take our privilege for granted. Most of us don't even understand that life is different for those who don't have it.

So we go through our lives benefiting from privilege we don't even know we have. We vote for politicians who will not challenge the privilege we don't know we have, and we don't even know that that's why we vote for them. We accuse women and minorities who insist on their equal rights of wanting "special rights." We decry "reverse discrimination." We resist affirmative action programs that seek to overcome the consequences of past discrimination. We fall for things like the Republicans' "southern strategy" of 1968 that is nothing but slightly camouflaged racism, a strategy the Republican Party has pursued ever since. We resist anything that in any way threatens our privilege, and we think all we're doing is trying to preserve an idyllic status quo, one that never was nearly as idyllic as we convince ourselves it was and is.

Well, it's well past time for us to get over it. We white males need to wake up, stop deceiving ourselves, stop pretending that there is true equality in our country when there clearly isn't. We need to learn about our privilege and its consequences, then we must have the courage and the wisdom to work to dismantle it. We need to stop thinking and living as though white males like us are somehow superior to people who are neither white nor male. We need to start voting for politicians who will work to dismantle our privilege so that others have a more equal opportunity for a good life in our country.We need to do all that and a whole lot more besides.

So my fellow white American males, it's time for us to stop deceiving ourselves. It's actually way past time for us to realize what American life really is rather than what we convince ourselves it is in order to preserve our privilege. Overcoming privilege isn't easy. It takes courage. It involves loss. But it is only loss of a special status we don't deserve and shouldn't have. We say we believe in equality. We sing that our country is the land of the free. Well, it is the land of the free in some ways, but it is an unequal freedom enjoyed more by us white males than by others in our country. It's way past time for us to live up to our national ideology and to overcome our privilege. Some of us get it. It's time for all of us to get on with it.

Wednesday, September 5, 2018

On the Abuse Scandal in the Roman Catholic Church


On the Abuse Scandal in the Roman Catholic Church

In recent times the Roman Catholic Church has once again been rocked by news of widespread abuse of children and other vulnerable people by Roman Catholic clergymen, mostly priests but also including the former Archbishop of Washington, D.C. We hear that this archbishop routinely imposed on Catholic seminarians, men preparing for the priesthood, to join him in bed for grossly inappropriate activities. The abuse scandal in the Roman Catholic Church isn’t new. We’ve heard about it for decades. We’ve heard of priests who sexually abuse children. We’ve heard of bishops who cover up for them and rather than remove them from the priesthood simply transfer them to a different parish, where they have continued their abusive behavior. We’ve heard of such behavior in dioceses across the United States and in other nations as well, including Chile and others in South America. A former Vatican official who intensely dislikes the policies of Pope Francis has accused the Pope of knowing about and covering up instances of abuse. The source of that accusation is suspect, but we cannot simply dismiss it without more information. I know of one Catholic laywoman whose faith in the Church has been shaken if not quite totally destroyed. I have heard of Catholic priests whose faith in the Church has been shaken too, to the point where they have even considered leaving the Church and its priesthood. The abuse scandal presents the greatest challenge to the institutional claims of the Roman Catholic Church perhaps since the Protestant Reformation of the sixteenth century.

In the September, 2018, edition of the Seattle University School of Theology and Ministry Newsletter the school’s Dean, Dr. Mark Markuly, has published a lengthy and thoughtful essay under the title “Can the Catholic Church Overcome Its Sex Abuse Scandals?” In that essay Dean Markuly says that “Inadequate theologies have perpetuated this chronic sex abuse situation. The church needs new theologies of gender, sexuality, ordination, authority, ecclesiology (the nature of what a church is and does), and a half dozen other issues.” He at least suggests that he agrees with voices within the Catholic Church calling for nothing less than a new Reformation and saying the Church faces a crisis as severe as the one that produced the Protestant Reformation some five hundred years ago. I am a Protestant clergyperson not a Catholic one, but I received my formal theological and ministerial training at the Seattle University School of Theology and Ministry, so I have perhaps a bit more of a grounding in Roman Catholicism than do most Protestant clergypersons. More importantly, when institutions are in crisis it is always helpful for them to hear from outside voices, voices that can perhaps analyze the issues the crisis presents more clearly than can the persons directly involved in the crisis.1 So for what it’s worth I will here add my outside voice to the literature addressing the Catholic Church’s abuse crisis.

Dean Markuly is absolutely correct when he says that “inadequate theologies have perpetuated this chronic abuse situation.” Beyond that, inadequate theologies created the conditions in which the “abuse situation” arose in the first place. The Dean points to theologies of gender, sexuality, ordination, authority, and ecclesiology as contributing to the problem. He is absolutely right about that, but I think we need to make a distinction between theologies of gender and sexuality on the one hand and theologies of ordination, authority, and ecclesiology on the other. I’ll address these two areas of theology separately, starting with the Catholic theologies of gender and sexuality.

We think of the issue at hand as being one of sexual abuse, and for the most part it is. It is easy to jump to the conclusion that the Catholic practice of priestly celibacy is the root of the problem. I don’t want to dismiss the issues around priestly celibacy as a cause of the problem entirely, but I don’t believe that they lie at the root of the problem. Yes, the Roman Catholic Church requires its priests to be celibate. They do not marry. They may not engage in sexual activity of any kind. I and many others believe that the vow of celibacy that all Catholic priests must take forces them to deny or at least to suppress a significant part of their humanity. God created us all as sexual beings. There is no reason for us to deny that reality. That we are sexual beings raises a host of moral issues with which we all must deal, but denying ourselves all outlet for our sexuality is, it seems to me and many others, not healthy.

The sex abuse scandal in the Roman Catholic church is not an issue of homosexuality among Catholic priests. Yes, we have known for a long time that many Catholic priests are homosexual. I’ve heard it said that that’s in part because a Roman Catholic priest doesn’t have to keep answering questions from his family about why he isn’t married. Be that as it may, the abuse scandal in the Catholic Church has nothing to do with homosexuality. Most men who sexually abuse boys are heterosexual. Homosexual men are no more likely to be child abusers than are heterosexual ones. Driving homosexual priests out of the Church would do nothing to solve the abuse crisis.

I do not believe that the epidemic of sexual abuse by Roman Catholic priests is primarily a sexual matter. It is primarily a matter of power. The sexual abuse scandal is grounded in and arises from a fundamental problem with Roman Catholic ecclesiology and church polity. We can start to see this problem by realizing that the polity, that is, the institutional structure, of the Roman Catholic Church is imperial. The church is modeled on the political structure of the Roman Empire. That Empire had an emperor at its head who had nearly unlimited power. The Roman Catholic Church has a Pope at its head who has nearly unlimited power. The Roman Empire had a collective body immediately below the emperor called the Senate, which had some legislative authority. The Roman Catholic Church has a collective body immediately below the Pope called the College of Cardinals, which has some authority in the Church. The Roman Empire was administered by local officials called “ediles.” They were appointed by and answered to the Emperor, not by or to the people of the areas they administered. The Roman Catholic Church is administered by local officials called bishops. They are appointed by and answer to the Pope, not by or to the people of the Church in the areas they administer. The Roman Catholic Church has one level of authority below the Pope, namely, the parish priests. They have spiritual authority over the people, but they are appointed by the local bishop and are primarily responsible to him, not to the people of their parish. Thus we see that the structure of the Roman Catholic Church is essentially imperial, modeled on the structure of the Roman Empire. Imperial structures create imperial policies. That it does is one of the Roman Catholic Church’s foundational problems.

Then there are the claims that the church makes about the Christian faith and about itself. The Church calls itself the depositum fidei, the depository or treasury of the faith. The Church says “extra Ecclesia nulla salus,” outside the church there is no salvation. The Church thus sets itself up as the one indispensable institution in the life of faith. The fullness of the Christian faith, it says, is found only in itself. Outside of itself there is no salvation. Depart from the church and you are not saved. Those assertions are official Catholic doctrine. We Protestants of course disagree with them, but the issue before us isn’t whether we agree with them but what their effect is on the Church’s internal dynamics. The Church comes to be all about power. The Church says to the people: We have what you desperately need. We can give it to you, or we can withhold it from you. We have the power to save your soul or to condemn it to everlasting torment. You dare not openly defy us. You may not even loudly disagree with us, for we have power over your eternal soul. We control your access to God. God may save you, but God does that only through us.

I know of course that not all Roman Catholics think in terms this stark. I had a wonderful experience at the Seattle University School of Theology and Ministry with many wonderful Catholic instructors and fellow students. They never tried to make us Protestants into Catholics. My sister-in-law recently converted to Roman Catholicism, and I’m confident that she wouldn’t assert the things I’ve said here about the Roman Catholic Church as unquestionable truths. I do not object in theory to people being Roman Catholic. I do object to that Church’s official dogmas about itself.

Under those dogmas preservation of the Church in all of its unquestioned sanctity becomes the highest value. The Church becomes a value in its own right rather than for what it offers to the people who live their spiritual lives within it. To this way of thinking the people can do without almost anything in life, but they cannot do without the Church. It becomes essential to preserve the Church and, just as importantly, to preserve the people’s faith not in God and Jesus Christ but in the Church.

Beyond that, the sanctified position of the clergy within the Church creates an environment of privilege. In Catholic theology the priest stands in loco Christi, in the place of Christ. Catholic theology of ordination makes an ordained person existentially different from unordained people. The Church teaches that in the sacrament of ordination a man’s being is transformed into something new, something different, something better. This existential change is said to be permanent. A priest may resign from or be removed from the priesthood, but his ordination remains. His transformed, exalted status remains. In my Protestant tradition we understand ordination differently, but I can imagine that for some men, not most but a few, the Catholic theology of ordination gives them the idea that they can do no wrong. What they do is right because an ordained man has done it. Surely the exalted understanding of the priesthood plays a role in preparing the ground for abuse.

It seems clear that these and other aspects of Roman Catholic theology create the opportunity and the temptation for priests to engage in abusive behavior toward vulnerable people, especially children. They see themselves as holding exalted positions in the church, never mind that the collar and stoles they wear are supposed to be symbols of service not superiority. The people of the church are taught not to challenge them, or at least not to challenge them about anything fundamental in the Catholic faith. No one expects a priest to ask anyone to engage in inappropriate sexual behavior and certainly not to force that behavior on anyone. Surely there must be some explanation grounded in the structure of the Church that induces so many priests to abuse others. The exalted position of the priest seems to be part of that explanation.

The Roman Catholic theology of the church itself, its ecclesiology, explains how the hierarchy has reacted to protect not the victims of abuse but its perpetrators. The Church is more important than any person in it, whether a priest or a victim of priestly abuse. The Church holds the faith. The Church holds the keys to the Kingdom, and it must be protected at any cost. That at least seems to be how far too many bishops and archbishops have thought about the matter. Exposing the abuse and disciplining those who committed it either through internal discipline or by turning them over to civil authorities, or both, would open the Church to criticism. It might shake the belief of the members in the sanctity of the Church. Never mind that all the cover up that has gone on has done that far more than dealing with the issue head on would have. So prelates chose cover up over corrective action. When they did they were acting in a way that Roman Catholic ecclesiology fully justified and even dictated.

So what is to be done? At a more superficial level the Church needs to remove priests (or others) who have abused anyone from the priesthood. No institution can withstand the backlash against abuse by its representatives when it takes no action against them. Certainly the Roman Catholic Church cannot, at least not in its current configuration and size. Then the Church authorities must turn the abusers over to civil authorities for whatever prosecution the law allows. Sadly that prosecution will be blocked in many cases by the statute of limitations, but the Church must do what it can to see that its lawbreakers are brought to justice.

That is the least the Church must do. Those actions will clean out a lot of evildoers. It will not however do anything to address the underlying causes of the problem. To address the underlying causes of the problem the Church must reexamine its underlying theologies that created or contributed to the problem, as Dean Markuly suggests. The Church could start by examining whether or not its imperial structure corresponds to Gospel values. Many of us Protestants ask: What does all the pomp and circumstance around the Roman Catholic hierarchy (especially in the Vatican around the Pope) have to do with the values of an itinerant Jewish preacher from Galilee whom we call Lord and Savior? Not much if anything at all many of Protestants answer. Yes, the Vatican houses some of the greatest creations of the human spirit in its collections of paintings, sculptures, manuscripts, and other sacred items. Still, Jesus preached against worldly show. In the Gospel of Luke he says the poor are blessed and the rich are cursed. Luke 6:20 and 24. In many ways the Roman Catholic Church is the Roman Empire alive and operating in the world today. It’s time for it to reexamine the ecclesiology that created and that maintains an institution that on its face so contradicts the values Jesus taught, lived, and died for.

The Church also needs to reexamine and transform the way that it handles the priesthood and its theology of ordination, including its limitation of the priesthood to men. For one thing, women priests would be statistically less likely to abuse children than male priests seem to be. Beyond that, St. Paul said that in Christ there is no longer male or female because all are one in Christ. Galatians 3:28. Jesus of Nazareth was a male human being, but the risen Christ surely transcends small human distinctions like male and female. The Roman Catholic Church has immense difficulty changing its doctrine. That’s because changing doctrine suggests that earlier doctrine was wrong, and Church doctrine cannot be admitted to be wrong. The Church’s doctrine says only men may be priests. Yet that Roman Catholic doctrine says that doesn’t change the undeniable truth that women have as much potential for being first rate pastors, preachers, and sacramental clerics as men do. At Seattle University I sat with wonderful Roman Catholic women who were in tears because they so strongly feel the call to all aspects of the priesthood, and they knew their Church would never let them answer that call. it is past time for that reality to change. Opening the priesthood to women would be one action the Church could take that might address some of elements that have led to the abuse crisis.

I said above that priestly celibacy is not a major factor in this crisis, but it does play at least a small role. That priests must be celibate is not a matter of Roman Catholic doctrine. It is only a matter of canon law, so it is easier to change than is the doctrine of the male only priesthood. Yes, married men sometimes become child abusers too, but the Catholic practice of priestly celibacy deprives priests of the intimate personal relationships that are so important to most of us in keeping us on track and making our lives meaningful. Sexual abuse is, as far as we know, statistically much less common among married Protestant clergy than it is among unmarried Roman Catholic clergy. Changing the law on priestly celibacy would be another thing the Church could do that would probably help to reduce the incidence of abuse by priests.

Most significant I believe is a reexamination of the Roman Catholic Church’s claim that it is the one and only depositum fidei, the depository of the faith. It must reexamine and reform its belief that salvation is fully available to people only in the Church. That assertion is first of all bad theology. Clearly a great many people find an authentic connection with God outside the Roman Catholic Church. I am one such person, but there are millions upon millions of other people who are as well. Roman Catholicism at its best is a powerful, inspiring, and uplifting version of religious faith, but it is not the only one that “works” for people. It’s time the Catholic Church got away from claiming that it is. Elevating the Church to supreme importance the way the Roman Catholic Church does is a major factor in the priest abuse scandal. It’s past time for the Church to change it.

The Catholic priest abuse scandal has no easy solution. It is grounded too deeply into the very being of the Roman Catholic Church for there to be an easy solution. Still, one thing is clear. The Church must change the way it has handled the scandal. It must change it radically, and it must change it now. Half measures will not do. In the sixteenth century the Catholic Church instituted various reforms in response to the Protestant Reformation at the Council of Trent. It is time for the Church to institute reforms again, to hold another Council of Trent, this time not in response to a challenge from us Protestants but in response to a crisis that is of its own making. It must act radically, and it must act fast. The people of the Church are hurting. They wonder how it could happen. They want to Church to respond forcefully and effectively. It’s obvious from the outside that the Church needs to act. Is it obvious from the inside? I think it is becoming obvious if it isn’t obvious already. May God be with the Roman Catholic Church and guide it as it seeks appropriate ways to respond.
1Actually, we Protestant clergypersons may be more involved in the Catholic Church’s current crisis than we know. I remember a Protestant clergy ethics and boundary trainer telling a room full of UCC and Presbyterian clergy a few years ago that everyone thinks we’re all child abusers. I think, or at least hope, that that claim is an exaggeration. Still, Protestant clergy have committed abuse too, although as far as we know that horrific issue is not as widespread in the Protestant churches as it is in the Roman Catholic Church.